(navigation image)
Home American Libraries | Canadian Libraries | Universal Library | Community Texts | Project Gutenberg | Children's Library | Biodiversity Heritage Library | Additional Collections
Search: Advanced Search
Anonymous User (login or join us)
Upload
See other formats

Full text of "Presidential election, 1868 : proceedings of the National Union Republican Convention, held at Chicago, May 20 and 21, 1868"

JK 

2352 

copy 5" 







WWj 



H 



PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION, 1868 



PROCEEDINGS 



OF THE 



NATIONAL UNION 



REPUBLICAN CONVENTION, 



HELD AT 



CHICAGO, MAY 20 AND 31, 1868. 



REPORTED BY ELY, BURNHAM &• BARTLETT, CHICAGO, 



OFFICIAL REPORTERS OF THE CONVENTION. 



CHICAGO : 

EVENING JOURNAL PRINT, No. 46 DEARBORN STREET. 




, \SGS. 



PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION, 1868. 



PEOCEEDING-S 



OF THE 



NATIONAL UNION 



REPUBLICAN CONVENTION, 



HELD AT 



CHICAGO, MAY SO AND 21, 1868. 



REPORTED BY ELY, BURNHAM & BARTLETT, CHICAGO, 

OFFICIAL REPORTERS OF THE CONVENTION. 



CHICAGO: 
EVENING JOURNAL PRINT, No. 46 DEARBORN STREET. 



^JUJ 












* U > % 



- 



^>; 



f 

T 

i 

i.-. 

3 



OFFICIAL APPOINTMENT. 



Headquarters of the National Committee, | 
Chicago, May 19, 1868. j 

At a session of the National Executive Committee, this day held, 
it was 

"Resolved, That Messrs. Ely, Burnham and Bartlett, Official Reporters of the 
"Courts of Chicago, be hereby appointed the Official Reporters of the proceedings 
" of the National Union Republican Convention, to be held at the City of Chicago 
"on Wednesday, the 20th day of May, at 12 M., for the purpose of nominating 
" candidates for the offices of President and Vice President of the United States." 

MARCUS L. WARD, of New Jersey, 

Chairman. 
JNO. D. DEFREES, of Indiana, 

Secretary. 



NATIONAL UNION REPUBLICAN CONVENTION 



Wednesday, May 20, 1868. 

The National Union Republican Convention, to nominate candi- 
dates for the offices of President and Vice President of the United 
States, assembled in Crosby's Opera House, Chicago, Illinois, at 
12 M., in response to the following call : 

NATIONAL UNION REPUBLICAN CONVENTION. 



The undersigned, constituting the National Committee designated by the Conven- 
tion held at Baltimore on the 7th of June, 1864, do appoint that a Convention of 
the Union republican party be held at the City of Chicago, on "Wednesday, the 20th 
day of May next, at 12 o'clock M., for the purpose of nominating candidates for 
the offices of President and Vice President of the United States. 

Each State in the United States is authorized to be represented in said Conven- 
tion by a number of delegates equal to twice the number of Senators and Repre- 
sentatives to which each State is entitled in the National Congress. 

We invite the co-operation of all citizens who rejoice that our great civil war 
has happily terminated in the discomfiture of rebellion; who would hold fast the 
unity and integrity of the Republic, and maintain its paramount right to defend to 
the utmost its existence, whether imperiled by a secret conspiracy or armed force ; 
of an economical administration of the public expenditures; of the complete extir- 
pation of the principles and policy of slavery, and of the speedy re-organization of 
those States whose governments were destroyed by the rebellion, and the permanent 
restoration to their proper practical relations with the United States, in accordance 
with the true principles of a republican government. 

MARCUS L. WARD, of New Jersey, 

JXO. D. DEFREES, of Indiana, Secretary. Chairman. 



J. B. CLARK, New Hampshire, 
- A. B. GARDNER, Vermont. 
' S. A. PURVIANCE, Pennsylvania. 
-B. C COOK, Illinois. 

D. B. STUBBS, Iowa. 

II. C. HOFFMAN, Maryland. 

W. J. COWING, Virginia. 

C. L. ROBINSON, Florida. 

HORACE GREELEY, New York, 

B. R. COWEN, Ohio. 

N. EDMUNDS, Dakota, 
• THOS. G. TURNER, Rhode Island. 
' S. J. BOWEN. District of Columbia. 



- S. F. HERSEY, Maine. 
. WM. CLAFLIN, Massachusetts. 
J. S. FOWLER, Tennessee. 
* MARSH GIDDINGS, Michigan. 

- A. W. CAMPBELL, West Virginia. 
/ N. B. SMITIIERS, Delaware. 

- W. A. PILE, Missouri. 
--S. JUDD, Wisconsin. 

H. II. STARKWEATHER, Connecticut. 
~ WM. WINDOM, Minnesota. 

- D. R. GOODLOE, North Carolina. 
, SAMUEL CRAWFORD, Kansas 

^ J. P. CHAFFEE, Colorado. 



Proceedings of the 






CONVENTION CALLED TO ORDER. 

Gov. Marcus L. Ward, of Xew Jersey, Chairman of the 
National Executive Committee, called the Convention to order at the 
prescribed hour, and spoke as follows : 

Delegates to the National Convention oe the Union Republican Party — 
You have assembled at the call of the National Convention to nominate its standard- 
bearers for the ensuing campaign ; to declare your unswerving attachment to union 
and liberty ; and to pledge that you will take no step backward in the work of 
reconstructing the rebel States and re-establishing the Union. [Applause.] 

You are here to bear witness that the war, so gallantly and so gloriously waged 
for the life of the nation, was not a failure. You are here to point to a Republic 
boundless in extent and resources, guarded and protected by one common flag, and 
upheld by a patriotic and loyal people. [Applause.] 

An emancipated race has been lifted from the debasement of slavery, and, to-day, 
with the Union men of the South, re-organizes, in the name of liberty, the Govern- 
ments and institutions of the rebellious States. The history of the Republican 
party is a record of the true progress of the nation. It has successively met and 
conquered all those hostile parties represented by the effete ideas and perishing 
institutions of the past, and it must now determine to vindicate anew its measures 
and its policy, by the wisdom and courage which plan, and the determination and 
labor which organize, victory. In this spirit you are here assembled to perform 
the responsible duties assigned you, and I doubt not your action will meet the 
approval of the vast constituency you represent. The nation understands that 
neither, armed treason nor political treachery can arrest the triumph of our cause 
and the success of our candidates. [Great applause, and display of national flags.] 

If, as indicated by the unanimity of feeling which prevails, you shall designate 
as our leader the great captain of the age, [great applause,] whose bril- 
liant achievements in the field have been equaled by his wisdom in the Cabinet, 
[applause,] the nation will greet it as the precursor of victory to our cause and of 
peace to the Republic. [Loud applause.] 

Bishop Simpson will offer prayer. 

PRAYER. 

Matthew Simpson, D. D., then offered the following prayer : 

Oh, Lord, our Lord, how excellent is Thy name in all the earth ! Thou art the King 
of Kings and Lord of Lords. Thou hast laid the foundation of the earth, and Thy 
hands have formed the heavens. We praise Thee for all Thy mercies Thou hast 
conferred upon us as individuals, as communities, and as a nation. While we 
deplore our manifold sins, we bless Thee for life and for reason, for a glorious reve- 
lation, the gift of Thy Son, our Saviour, and for the hope of a blissful immortality. 
As a nation, we praise Thee for the goodly heritage which Thou hast given us — so 
vast in extent, so immense in its resources. We praise Thee for the deeds to which 
Thou didst inspire our fathers, and the precious memories which they have left to 



flEPUBJLICAN PONVENTION. 



us. We thank Thee for the institutions with which our land has been blessed — for 
our civil and religious liberties. We thank Thee for the right to meet and deliber- 
ate ; we bless Thee for the freedom which breathes through all classes of society, 
and especially we praise Thee, Oh, our Father and our God, that in the midst of all 
our trials Thou hast ever been with our nation. Though we have been chastised 
because of our sins, and we would humble us in Thy presence because of our sins, 
yet we bless Thee that, whilst Thou hast chastised, Thou hast also poured blessings 
upon us. 

While we remember that multiplied thousands have recently fallen in the fierce 
struggles which have been in our land, Ave bless Thee that the storm-cloud has 
passed away ; that the voice of battle has been hushed ; that peace has been 
restored to our borders again ; and, notwithstanding all our trials, we bless Thy 
holy name, that Thou hast made us, as we believe, stronger and firmer than ever 
before. As the tree is strengthened by the storms of winter, and prepared for the 
verdure of coming spring and summer, so we trust Thou hast prepared our nation, 
by the trials through which we have passed, for the glorious future into which we 
are about to enter. 

We ask Thee that Thy blessing still be with us, as a nation. Bless, we pray Thee, 
all our rulers. May Thy benediction rest upon the President of the United States, 
and upon all associated with him in authority, upon the Senate and House of Repre- 
sentatives, upon the officers of our army and navy, and upon the Governors and 
Legislators of our various Commonwealths, and upon all those who are in authority 
in all the departments of our Government. 

Be in them a spirit of wisdom. Be in them a spirit of grace. May they rule with 
a view to the prosperity of the nation and an eye to Thy glory. And as it is in Thy 
hand alone to raise up and to perpetuate kingdoms, we pray that this, our nation, 
may be ever precious in Thy sight. 

Our Father and our God, we acknowledge that we are ever in Thy hand ; that all 
plans without Thee are futile, and all arrangements without Thee are vain. And 
now, upon this Assembly, convened from all parts of the Union, may Thy special 
blessing rest. Have them in Thy holy keeping. May the spirit of harmony and 
wisdom prevail in their councils, and may such results be reached as Thou shalt 
approve, and as shall lead to the prosperity and the perpetuity and the glory of 
our beloved land. Almighty God, we beseech Thee so to direct in all events that 
may happen, that the greatest possible good may be worked out. We do thank Thee 
that Thou rulest in all nations and in all agencies, and in all perils, and though 
there may be night for a season the light cometh in the morning; though there may 
be the storms of winter, there shall succeed the sweetness of the breath of spring ; 
though there may sometimes be clouds which in our view seem dark, and lowering, 
and gloomy, it is in Thy hand to cause all to pass away as the mists of the morning 
and the clear light again to shine. 

God of our fathers, be with us, their sons, as Thou wast with them. May Thy 
benediction be upon all parts of the country here represented ; and when these citi- 
zens shall return to their homes, may they find every interest in peace and in 
prosperity. We thank Thee that here all parts of our nation are represented. We 
thank Thee that the North meets with the South, and the East meets with the West. 
We thank Thee that citizens of all classes and pursuits are here convened. We bless 
Thee that freedom has diffused its healthful influences over the land, and that the 



^Proceedings of the 



States so lately in rebellion are being successfully reconstructed in peace and pros- 
perity. Hasten the work so gloriously commenced ; may there be nothing that 
shall mar its progress. And, Oh, hasten the moment when all parts of our land 
shall be firmly and intimately, and fraternally, and perpetually bound together in one 
common bond of union, and this dear land of ours shall be, as we believe Thou hast 
designed it to be, a light to all the nations of the earth that shall throw its rays 
across the Atlantic to Europe, and across the Pacific to Asia, until the dark places 
of Africa shall have been made glad and the islands of the sea take up the song of 
praise, and a human brotherhood shall be formed vast as the globe on which we 
dwell, and sentiments of love, and duty, and adoration shall inspire our common 
humanity, and prepare it for that glorious assemblage that shall one day convene 
before the throne of God. 

Hear us while we would unite in praying, as Thou hast taught us, saying : 
Our Father which art in Heaven, hallowed be Thy name. Thy kingdom come. Thy 
will be done in earth, as it is in Heaven. Give us this day our daily bread, and for- 
give us our trespasses as we forgive those who trespass against us. Lead us not into 
temptation, but deliver us from evil : for Thine is the kingdom, and the power, and 
the glory forever and ever. Amen. 

ELECTION OF TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. 

Chairman of the National Committee [Mr. Ward, of New Jersey,] — By 
direction of the National Committee, I nominate Carl Schurz, of Missouri, as tempo- 
rary chairman of this Convention. [Repeated cheers.] As many of you as favor 
the adoption of this nomination will say " aye." 

The nomination unanimously prevailed. 

Chairman of the National Committee — I will designate Mr. Tremain, of New 
York, and Mr. Thompson, of Indiana, to Avait upon General Schurz and conduct 

that gentleman to the chair. 

< 

On being conducted to the chair, Mr. Schurz was received with 
great enthusiasm, and was presented to the Convention by the Chair- 
man of the National Committee. 

ADDRESS BY GEN. SCHURZ. 

Mr. Schurz, of Missouri — Gentlemen of the Convention — It is difficult for me 
to express how highly I appreciate the honor you have conferred upon me by this 
nomination. You will permit me to offer you my sincerest thanks. 

This is the fourth National Convention of the Republican party. The short 
career of this party has been marked by events to which coming generations will 
point with pride, admiration and gratitude. The Republican party was born a 
giant. [Applause.] In its very infancy it grappled with the prejudice of race, 
which, until then, seemed to be omnipotent with the masses of the American people. 



Republican Ponyention. 



9 



Our second onset broke through it, and carried the immortal Abraham Lincoln into 
the Executive Chair of the Republic — [great applause] — as the great champion of 
the anti-slavery cause. [Prolonged applause.] 

Then came the slaveholders' rebellion, and, under Republican leadership, the 
loyal people of this country displayed a noble heroism and self-sacrificing devotion 
and perseverance, under obstacles and defeat, which may well serve as a glorious 
example to all nations of the earth. [Applause.] 

The result of the struggle corresponds with the great effort. The life of the 
nation has been saved; the dark blot of slavery has been wiped from our national 
escutcheon [applause] ; four millions of bondsmen have been raised from the dust 
and from their ancient degradation ; the outraged dignity of human nature has 
been gloriously vindicated ; and this day, those States, the peculiar condition of 
which was but recently a disgrace to the American name, return to us under 
the national banner, which, now, at last, is to them what it ought ever to have 
been — the great emblem of impartial justice, of universal liberty, and of equal 
rights. 

All these things have been accomplished under Republican auspices, and without 
indulging in vain self-glorification, it may be truly said that the history of the Re- 
publican party is closely identified with the noblest achievements of this century. 
[Applause.] 

But there are new problems equally great before us ; we have to secure the 
results of the great struggle against the dangers of reaction; we have to adapt 
the laws and institutions of this country to the new order of things. 

The solution of that problem Avill require no less enthusiasm, no less devotion, 
no less perseverance, than the struggles which lie behind us. 

It will require more. It will require that calm statesmanship which consists in 
a clear appreciation of the objects to be attained, and a thorough knowledge of the 
means by which they can be accomplished. 

When the Republican party was about to enter upon the creative part of its 
mission, it was, by one of the most atrocious crimes ever recorded in history, 
deprived of the man Avhose highest virtue as a ruler consisted in his always acting 
upon the noblest impulses of the popular heart. xYbraham Lincoln was struck 
down in the fulness of his glory, and we are left now to measure the greatness of 
our loss by what he left behind him in his place. [Laughter.] 

Then began, for us, the time of disappointments and of unexpected trials. Our 
policy was thwarted by the very man, who, in an unfortunate hour, we had put upon 
the road to power. The legislative and executive departments of the Government 
were pitted against one another in a fierce struggle. New dangers were looming 
up where there ought to have been a quiet and peaceable development. 

We have had our hours of painful experience, but what of that ? Are we the 
men to be disturbed by the mere appearance of danger ? Are not the principles 
which we advocate just as great as they ever were ? Is not the necessity of their 
realization just as apparent as ever ? Is not justice still justice, right still right, 
and truth still truth ? Are we not defenders of justice, right and truth, to-day, as 
we were yesterday ? What, then, is there to frighten the most pusillanimous ? 
Victory will be true to the Republican party as long as the Republican party is 
true to itself. [Cheers.] 

What we have to do is clear. Let us fix our eyes firmly upon the noble ends to 

2 



10 Proceedings of the 



be attained, and not permit our equanimity to be disturbed by an untoward acci- 
dent. [Applause.] Let not the passions inflamed by the stinging disappointment 
of this hour, however keen our sense of wrong may be, carry us beyond the 
bounds of wisdom and of self-respect. [Applause.] The things we have to accom- 
plish are so great that, whatever the provocation may be, we can certainly not 
afford to let personal resentments seduce us into compromising the high dignity of 
our cause. [Cheers.] 

Whoever may be our friends, whoever may become our enemies, let us march on 
with the unflinching determination to perform all the duties incumbent upon us, to 
secure justice to the soldiers who fought our battles [applause] ; justice to the 
Southern Union man, who, for the national cause, imperiled his life and fortune 
[cheers] ; justice to the colored race, to whom we have promised true liberty 
forever [great applause] ; justice to then ational creditor, who staked his credit 
upon the good faith of the American people. [Applause.] 

Let us faithfully strive to restore the honor of the Government, to crush corrup- 
tion wherever we find it, inside of the party, just as well as outside of it [loud 
applause], and to place the public service of the country in the hands of honest, 
true and capable men. [Cheers.] Let us, with unshaken purpose, workout the 
manifest logic of the results already gained for liberty and equal rights ; let us 
fearlessly acknowledge that the career of the Republican party will not be ended 
till the great trusts proclaimed in the Declaration of Independence, in the fullest 
meaning of the term, have become a living reality on every inch of American soil. 
[Loud applause.] 

Yes, let us be true to our history, true to ourselves, and fear nothing. No step 
backward. Onward is the charm-word of victory. [Cheers.] Let us see again 
the banner of progress, of liberty, of equal rights, of national faith, nailed to the 
very top of the mast. [Cheers.] And I spurn the idea that the American people 
could ever so far forget themselves as to throw their destiny into the hands of men 
who, but yesterday, strove to destroy the Republic, and who, to-day, stand ready to 
dishonor it. [Cheers.] 

TEMPORARY SECRETARIES. 

Mr. Smithers, of Delaware — Mr. Chairman, to effect the preliminary organiza- 
tion, I move that the following gentlemen be appointed temporary Secretaries : 
B. R. Cowen, of Ohio ; Luther Caldwell, of New York, and F. S. Richards, of 
Tennessee. 

The motion prevailed. 

The Chairman — What is the further pleasure of the Convention ? I think it 
has been customary that each delegation should present one of their number as a 
member of a Committee on Credentials. 

COMMITTEE ON CREDENTIALS. 
Mr. Smithers, of Delaware — Mr. Chairman, I move you, sir, that a Committee 



Republican Ponyention. 



11 



on Credentials be appointed, consisting of one from each delegation in the 
Convention. 

The Chairman — Gentlemen, you have heard the motion. 

]\{ R , f of . — I suggest, Mr. Chairman, that the Secretary call the 

list of States, and that each respective delegation shall name a gentleman who will 
constitute' a committee on their part. 

jIk. Smithers, of Delaware — I made that motion as suggested by gentlemen 
around me, and which I thought to be proper. I will modify the motion in 
accordance with the rule which has been heretofore adopted. As I understand, 
there are two States — Maryland and California — in which the delegations are 
contested. I therefore modify my motion so that these States be omitted, and that 
their claims be decided by the Committee on Credentials. 

The Secretary called the State of California, and the delegation 
named Mr. P. E. Conner. 

The Secretary called the State of Connecticut, and the delegation 
named Mr. Wm. G. Coe. 



Mr. Smithers, of Delaware — Mr. Chairman, there seems to be some misunder- 
standing. I understood that the States in which the delegates were contested were 
to be omitted. Is it so ? 

The Chairman — I will state to the Convention that, as the name of each State 
is called, one member of the delegation from that State will rise and indicate 
the choice of the delegation from that State as a member of the Committee on 
Credentials. 

Mr. Smithers, of Delaware — Then I was right at first, Mr. Chairman, and my 
suggestion comes in properly, that California and Maryland shall be omitted from 
that committee. 

Mr. Sears, of California — Mr. Chairman, as the gentleman has mentioned the 
State which I in part represent, I wish to deny that there is any contest whatever 
in regard to the State of California. It is true, sir, that there is a man here who 
has been before the Executive Committee claiming to contest our seats ; but, sir, 
there is one man only — 

Mr. Tax Zaxdt, of Rhode Island — Mr. Chairman, I rise to a point of order. 
The matter should be referred to the Committee on Credentials. 

Mr. Sears, of California — Mr. Chairman, I ask but two minutes to make an 
explanation. [Cries — "Go on," "go on," "hear him!'"] Y\ r e do not desire to 
bring this contest up here, but the gentleman has forced it upon us. 

Now, sir, the man who here contests our seats, or tries to contest our seats, 
voted the Copperhead ticket at the last election in California. ["Hear, hear." 
"Put him out!" "Out with him!"] He and one or two others met in a back 
room and selected delegates to attend this Convention. They have no party: they 
have had no primary election ; they had no Convention ; they had nothing, sir ; 
and I believe, in my humble judgment, that he comes here, and that his passage is 
paid by Democratic money, to keep up this division in our Stave. ["That's so." 
Hisses and applause.] 

Xow, sir, Ave are here representing the Union Republican party of California. 



12 f 



ROCEEDINGS OP THE 



We polled forty thousand loyal votes in that State at the last election, [applause], 
and the sneaking, crawling squad, which this man represents, only polled two 
thousand, and out of that two thousand, in our last Convention, they could not find 
in all the State of California ten men who would accept of this position which he 
occupies. [Laughter.] They selected men who had formerly lived in California. 
Two of them are in your city, and came into our rooms last night and repudiated 
the entire proceeding, and said they were for us. Therefore, sir, this man stands 
alone in attempting to contest our seats, and we ask this Convention to give us our 
seats, as they of right belong to us, and not to cast a stain upon us by raising this 
man to the dignity of a contest. [Laughter and loud applause.] 

We have traveled seven thousand miles to get here. [Applause.] I cannot 
understand it — though I wish to cast no reflection upon the Executive Committee 
— but we were detained two days by an accident on the cars, and consequently 
did not arrive here, and this man has been here two or three days, and has bored 
this Committee with his credentials — but I cannot understand why the Committee 
has recognized him in the slightest degree in this contest, unless he, a crawling 
Copperhead, like the serpent that beguiled Eve, has deceived them with his oily 
tongue. [Laughter and applause.] 

Now, sir, there is no contest in California. One word, and I am done. I simply 
ask this Convention not to dignify him, or the little squad to which he belongs, and 
cast a stain upon us by compelling us to go before this Committee on Credentials 
with a contest, when there is none. 

Mr. Spencer, of New York — Mr. Chairman — 

Mb. Nickeeson, of California — Mr. Chairman — 

The Chairman — I would suggest to gentlemen, that, when they rise in their seats, 
they give their names. 

Mr. Nickers on, of California — My name is Benjamin R. Nickerson. I wish to 
ask whether this Convention is prepared to hear, in open Convention, the question 
which we are prepared to submit where we suppose it belongs — namely, to the 
Committee on Credentials. 

Mr. Van Zandt, of Rhode Island — Mr Chairman, I again insist on my point of 
order. Mr. Chairman, I was right in the first place, and this Convention must be 
aware that (though that entire statement of the gentleman from California may be 
correct — and, if it be so, my sympathies are intensely and strongly with him, and 
no man could be more thoroughly so — yet, sir, you will permit me to say — and the 
gentleman will cherish no feeling of unkindness toward me for saying it, for I 
believe Rhode Island is as sound to the heart and core on this question as any 
State in the Union) these are not proper subjects to bring before this Convention. 
They should go to the Committee on Credentials, because, after one gentleman has 
told his story, another may rise and claim the attention of the Convention, and tell 
a story entirely antagonistic to the statement of the first; and how, in the name 
of parliamentary lav/, are we to judge between these conflicting claims; or how 
are we to know which tells the truth ? If the statement of the gentleman is correct, 
my heart is with him entirely ; but let the Committee decide the question. I hope 
my point of order will be sustained by the Convention, for the sake of harmony and 
unanimity in the Convention, and to enable us to return to our homes in less than 
a week. 

Mr. , of California — Mr. Chairman, I rise to a point of order. The State 



Republican Ponyention. 13 

of California has been called, and has named its choice for a member of the 
Committee on Credentials, and the point of order of the gentleman is too late. 

The Chairman — The gentleman is out of order. It is moved and seconded that 
this matter be referred to the Committee on Credentials. 

The motion prevailed. 

Me. Spencer, of New York — I move, Mr. Chairman, that the States be called in 
alphabetical order, that we may ascertain in what States the delegations are 
contested and in what uncontested, and that a committee of one from each uncon- 
tested delegation be named. 

The Chairman — That is just what we are doing. 

The Secretary proceeded to call the States. 

Mr. Addams, of Illinois — I rise to a point of order. Mr. Chairman, I believe it 
is the understanding they are to be called in alphabetical order. 

The Chairman — That is just what we are doing. 

Mr. Addams, of Illinois — Arkansas, and Alabama, and Georgia have not been 
called ; why are they not called in alphabetical order, harmonizing with the wish of 
the Convention ? 

Mr. Ward, of New Jersey — Mr. Chairman, I would state that, by the call of the 
Committee, the unreconstructed States were not invited to be represented here ; it 
being intended that the Convention, when assembled, should decide upon their 
standing. 

. Mr. Addams, of Illinois — That does not answer my point of order. Mr. Chair- 
man, the point of order I make is that the order of the Convention to call the 
States in their alphabetical order is not complied with. We would like to know 
why the names of Arkansas, Alabama, and Georgia have not thus far been called. 

Mr. Spencer, of New York — I move that they be called, and we take a vote on 
each State as it is named. 

The motion prevailed. 
The Secretary proceeded : 

Alabama — J. P. Stow. 
Arkansas — S. F. Cooper. 
California — P. Conner. 
Mr. Evans, of Colorado — Mr. Chairman, as Colorado is only out by the veto of 
Andrew Johnson, and as he will undoubtedly be out after the Presidental election, 
I move Colorado be called. [Laughter.] 

Mr. Hall, of West Virginia — Mr. Chairman, I rise for the purpose of saying a 
few words to the gentlemen of this Convention preliminary to taking hold of this 
question, because it involves a point upon which I shall subsequently ask to take 
the sense of this Convention upon a motion to reconsider. Ever since the close of 
the war, the Congress of the United States has practically controlled the Southern 
States as Territories. Upon that basis the whole theory of reconstruction rests. 



14 Proceedings op the 



If it is not correct, then they have been wronged from the first, and Andrew 
Johnson and the men who have adhered to him have been right in their position. 
Now, in the case of the State of Colorado, she has not as yet occupied a position, 
properly, as a State. 

Mr. Smithers, of Delaware— Mr. Chairman, I rise to a question of order. 
There is no question before the house to which the gentleman is speaking. 

The Chairman — The motion before the Convention is, that the State of Colorado 
be called. 

Mr. Hall, of West Virginia — Mr. Chairman, the question is as to Colorado not 
being on the roll of States. I hold that she is where she properly belongs as a 
Territory, until, by Congressional action, full and complete, over the President's 
veto, her status has been changed. I have no doubt, in the course of time, it will 
be, but, until that time, she holds, under the Constitution and laws, but one position, 
and that is as a Territory. There is no half-way place in the making of States. 
They are admitted or they are not admitted ; and, in the case of the Southern 
States, I voted "aye" with the majority, because I wanted to move to reconsider 
the vote. I saw it was taken without reflection. The Southern States occupy in 
the Federal Union to-day, so far as Congressional action is concerned, preciseh r 
the position which the State of Colorado occupies. Arkansas is asking admission, 
and I trust her delegates will be admitted upon this floor. Coming myself from a 
Border State, I know what the loyal men of the Border States have had to contend 
with during the last five years ; and I shall be the last man, directly or indirectly, 
to throw the stain of a drop of water, even, upon the character of any man coming 
from the Border States ; and I do not wish this Convention, by its action, seemingly 
to cast a reflection upon the character of its representatives in Congress during 
the last three years. 

Mr. , of West Virginia — Mr. Chairman, I wish simply to make the state- 
ment that the gentleman's views are his own views, and not the views of the 
delegation from West Virginia. [Applause.] 

Mr. Spalding, of Ohio — Mr. Chairman, if I vote for the admission of Colorado 
to vote in this Convention, I shall vote for the admission of the three Territories in 
the same way. They are entitled to seats, but are not voting members. All I ask 
is, that we treat the Territories all alike. If we vote to receive Colorado, let us 
vote to receive the others. I am, myself, for the largest liberty. 

Mr. McClure, of Pennsylvania — Mr. Chairman, there is a difference between 
Colorado, inthis Convention, and any Territory in the United States. Colorado has 
been authorized by Congress to form a constitution, preparatory to her admission 
into the Union. She has framed that constitution, and elected her Senators, and 
applied to Congress for admission.. Congress has passed a bill for her admission, 
and she is only denied it by the force of the matchless traitor of the Union, 
Andrew Johnson. [Applause.] Colorado has still before the Congress of the 
United States a bill, which was reported, I believe,, before the impeachment. It 
will doubtless be passed, and at the nest election Colorado will be the only 
Territory that will be likely to vote for President. And, being the only Territory 
likely so to vote, certainly her case is different to that of any other Territory. 
I hope, therefore, she will not be put in the position of other Territories, but 
that she will be admitted into the rights, privileges and powers of this Conven- 
tion. [Cheers.] 



Republican Ponvention 15 



Mr. Spalding, of Ohio— Mr. Chairman, I rise to say, as to the position of Ohio 
in relation to the admission of delegates from the reconstructed States, that the 
delegates from Ohio had a consultation upon this subject, and were nearly unani- 
mous in favor of receiving them into the Convention. 

Mr. Sharp, of New York — Mr. Chairman, it is the opinion of New York that 
this Convention is competent to decide upon every case, as it comes up, for itself, 
and we are in favor of the admission of Colorado over the President's veto. 
[Applause.] 

The Chairman — The question is upon the motion of Mr. Evans, of Colorado, 
to call the Territory of Colorado in the roll of States. 

The motion prevailed. 

Mr. Evans, of Colorado— Mr. Chairman, I move that every State and Territory 
having delegations present be called, and that the delegates therefrom nominate a 
member to serve on the Committee on Credentials. 

Mr. Van Zandt, of Rhode Island — I move that every State and Territory having 
delegates here representing them, be called, and that it be represented by a 
member in the Committee on Credentials. 

Mr. , of Except Utah. [Laughter. Cries of " No," "no."] 

Mr. Van Zandt, of Rhode Island — Very well, I withdraw the motion. 

Mr. McClure, of Pennsylvania — Surely, it is not the purpose of the gentleman 
to do that. Mr. Chairman, I will make a motion that I think will solve the whole 
problem: That the other Territories of the United States, except Colorado, be 
admitted to the floor of this Convention, without the right to vote. That was the 
action of the Convention at Baltimore, in 1864, and I move that the District 
of Columbia be also excepted. 

Ms. Sanders, of Montana — Mr. Chairman, I do think that a journey of three 
thousand miles through hostile Indians, is considerable to pay for the privilege of 
sitting here three days in Crosby's Opera-House, and doing nothing. Nobody has 
a profounder interest in the success of Republican principles than those men that 
have taken their lives and their convictions in their hands, and have gone to the 
new empires that are growing in the West. For one, I have come to represent the 
wishes of, and to give voice to, the thousands of the Republicans of Montana — a 
people as patriotic, feeling as profound an interest in your action, as any people 
between the Atlantic and the Pacific. I think the gentleman from Pennsylvania 
(Mr. McClure) was mistaken in his statement of the action of the Baltimore Con- 
vention. I believe it has been uniformly the custom to give those new communi- 
ties at least one vote in the Convention ; and I appeal to the generosity and liberality, 
if not to the justice, of this Convention, to give us that privilege, and I move to 
amend the gentleman's resolution by such a proposition as that. 

Mr. McClure, of Pennsylvania — I desire simply to repeat, Mr. Chairman, what 
I can remember most distinctly — that, in 1864, the Territories and a portion of the 
Southern States were admitted to the floor of the Convention, but not permitted 
to vote. 

Mr. Grout, of Vermont — Let me say, Mr. Chairman, that I am not in the habit 
of attending Conventions. I don't know what the practice may be. It is announced 
by the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. McClure) that the practice has never been 



16 Proceedings of the 



to give a vote to delegations from Territories. Now, upon principle, I should sup- 
pose that would be so — that would be so. If it be true — 

A Voice — Mr. Chairman — 

The Chairman — The gentleman from Vermont (Mr. Grout) has the floor. 
Mr. Grout, of Vermont — If it be true, then, Mr. Chairman, we have, in the 
first place, practice and precedent by which to be guided. We can go back of 
that, however, if the precedent is wrong, and settle the matter on principle. What 
is the proposition ? The proposition is, to call these Territories — all of them. A 
gentleman in the rear, somewhere, makes the motion that all the Territories be 
called that send delegates here. It is impossible for the gentleman calling the roll to 
know the Territories that have sent delegations. The only way is to call all, and 
that would include Alaska. [Laughter.] One gentleman proposes to except Utah. 
Another gentleman might propose to call the roll on the new Territories about 
to be formed, and the Territory of Wyoming might ask that a delegate be called 
from that expected Territory. Now it seems to me, though I am but a young 
man, that this is mere boy's play, the whole of it. [''Louder," "louder."] 
Mere boy's play, I say. Now, if we call the Territories, and appoint a Committee 
on Credentials, they have a right to say what representatives shall be admitted 
from the States. It opens the door, Mr. Chairman, at least, to the right to repre- 
sentation in the nomination of a President and a Vice President. Now, if these 
Territories have no vote in voting for a President or Vice President, why should 
they have a vote in nominating them? It seems to me it is opening a wide door, 
and will only make confusion, and that the only way will be to shut the door 
against all. The vote has already been taken to admit Colorado into the 
Convention with the expectation that she shall be admitted as a State. If it is not 
admitted to cast its vote finally as a State ; if it only comes in here and helps to 
nominate a President and Vice President, but is not admitted to vote at the 
Presidential election, the Territory of Colorado may have nominated the President 
of the United States, and not cast even a solitary vote for him. That is wrong. 
Upon principle, it is wrong. And, if the Convention will attentively consider it, I 
think they will see it. I say this as but a young man ; and I, therefore, want to 
have some older man, who is used to conventions and their practice, rise and tell 
us the true way to proceed in this matter. Let them counsel us, and let us proceed 
deliberately and cautiously in the matter, and in such a manner that, when we go 
out from this Convention, we shall not regret our course. [Cries of "Mr. 
Chairman."] 

The Chairman — The gentleman from Ohio has the floor. 

Mr. Bingham, of Ohio — Mr. Chairman, the Convention has agreed to admit the 
delegates from those States that we expect will participate in the election of 
President and Vice President. The Southern States, we expect, will be in the 
Union, so that their votes will be received and counted. We expect that, notwith- 
standing Johnson's vetoes, Colorado will be in the Union, so that she can vote. 
The proposition now is, that the Territories, including the District of Columbia, 
shall be called, which is a different proposition from the one before. It is not a 
question whether those Territories will participate in the election. I am not pre- 
pared to say how the question will be determined, but it is obvious that we shall 
save time and proceed in a more orderly manner by leaving the question to the 
Committee on Credentials, and, therefore, I make that motion. 



Republican Ponyention. 1*7 

Mr. Van Zandt, of Rhode Island — Mr. Chairman, if I am in order, I trust the 
gentleman will withdraw the motion just made, or modify it. It appears to me 
that, if this question is referred to the Committee on Credentials, it is an embar- 
rassment which, sir, if the gentleman will withdraw the motion for the admission 
of this class, will be obviated — by letting the whole question go to the Committee 
on Credentials. That committee can then report the entire matter to the Conven- 
tion, with all the facts, and then discussion may understandingly be had upon it at 
that time. 

Mr. Bingham, of Ohio — That is my motion, exactly. 

Mr. Van Zandt, of Rhode Island — If that is it, and it is so understood by the 
Convention, I cheerfully second it, and will vote for it. 

The Chairman — It is moved that the whole matter be referred to the Committee 
on Credentials. 

The motion prevailed. 

The Secretary then called the roll, with the following result : 

Colorado — John Evans. 
Connecticut — W. G. Coe. 
Delaware — N. B. Smithers. 
Florida— H. H. Moody. 
Georgia — L. P. Gudger 
Illinois — J. H. Addams. 
Indiana — J. C. Albert. 
Iowa— E. T. Smith. 
Kansas — N. A. Adams. 
Kentucky — A. G. Hodges. 
Louisiana — A. L. Lee. 
Maine — H. M. Plaisted. 

Maryland being called — 

Mr. ,of Maryland — Mr. Chairman, we have been notified of a contest in 

half our delegation, and, therefore, we decline to name a delegate upon this 
committee. 

Massachusetts — George B. Loring. 

Michigan — John W. Longyear. 

Minnesota — John C. Rudolph. 

Mississippi — Thadeus B. Sears. 

Missouri — David P. Dyer. 

Nebraska — L. Girard. 

Nevada — Louis Hyntman. 

New Hampshire — J. E. Bickford. 

New Jersey — John W. Hazelton. 

New York — T. G. Younglove. 

North Carolina — Hiram Potter, Jr. 

Ohio — James Scott, 

3 



18 ^Proceedings of the 



Oregon — L. S. Thompson. 
Pennsylvania — John Cessna. 
Rhode Island— J. D. W. Perry. 
South Carolina — Henry E. Hayne. 
Tennessee — W. Bosson. 
Texas— R. K. Smith. 
Vermont — Luther Baker. 
Virginia — John M. Thacher. 
West Virginia — F. P. Pierpont. 
Wisconsin — E. L. Browne. 

RULES FOR TEMPORARY GOVERNMENT. 

Mr. Cochrane, of New York — Mr. Chairman, I move that until the adoption of 
the permanent rules for the government of this Convention, the rules of the House 
of Representatives of the United States be the rules for its temporary government, 
as far as applicable. 

The motion prevailed. 

COMMITTEE ON PERMANENT ORGANIZATION. 

Mr. — — , of Pennsylvania — I move, Mr. Chairman, that a committee of one from 
each State be appointed upon the permanent organization of this Convention. 

The motion prevailed. 

Mr. Hall, of West Virginia — I now move to reconsider the motion by which it 
was determined to call the roll of the States which are now in process of recon- 
struction. I would state that the purpose of the motion is, to refer that matter as 
you have already referred the matter of the Territories — where I think it properly 
belongs — to the Committee on Credentials. I make the motion with that view, and 
I trust gentlemen from the Southern States, for whom no man in this house enter- 
tains more consideration than I, will not misconstrue this motion. 

Mr. Spalding, of Ohio — I rise to a point of order. We have just taken a vote 
to appoint a Committee on Organization. We should proceed to — 

The Chairman — I understand the motion of the gentleman from West Virginia to 
be that the names of the Southern States should not be called. Is not that the 
motion ? 

Mr. Hall, of West Virginia — The Chairman is somewhat in error. It is to 
refer the matter to the Committee on Organization — 

Mr. — , of Missouri — Mr. Chairman, I rise to a point of order. 

Mr. , of 1 move to lay the motion to reconsider on the table, Mr. 

Chairman. 

Mr. Hall, of West Virginia — I rise to a question of order, Mr. Chairman. That 
motion was made while I had the floor. 

The Chairman — I understand that the gentleman from West Virginia had no 
longer the floor. 



Republican Ponyention. 19 

Mr. Hall, of West Virginia — I was asked a question by the Chairman, and ha^ 
not concluded, when a gentleman from some State rose and made a motion to lay 
on the table. As I understand it, I had yet the floor. 

The Chairman — The motion to lay on the table must not be debated. 

Mr. Hall, of West Virginia — As I understand it, the Chairman addressed a 
question to* me and I answered, but I did not give up the floor. 

The Chairman — The Chairman decided the gentleman had not the floor 

The motion to lay the motion to reconsider on the table prevailed. 

The Chairman — The Secretary will call the roll of States, for the names of the 
Committee on Permanent Organization. 

The Secretary proceeded with the call : 

Alabama — J. J. Martin. 

Arkansas — R. W. McChesney. 

California — W. E. Lovett. 

Colorado — John Evans. 

Connecticut — A. H. Byington. 

Delaware — Wilson L. Cannon. 

Florida — V. B. Chamberlain. 

Georgia — W. H. Watson. 

Illinois — Amos C. Babcock. 

Indiana — Geo. H. Buskirk. 

Iowa — Seth Craig. 

Kansas — John A. Martin. 

Kentucky — Oscar H. Burbridge. 

Louisiana — George C. Benham. 

Maine — Wales Hubbard. 

Maryland — 

Mr. , of Maryland — Mr. Chairman, we have two delegations here, and 

Maryland has no right to be represented on this committee until her delegation is 
settled by your Committee on Credentials. 

Mr. , 1 move that the name of Maryland be omitted, in the further 

call of committees, until the report of the Committee on Credentials shall have 
come in. 



The motion prevailed. 

The Secretary proceeded with the call : 



Massachusetts — Alfred R. Field. 

Michigan — Hampton Rich. 
The Chairman — I would announce to the Convention that there is a room pro- 
vided for the Committee on Credentials in the rear of the building, and any member 
of the Committee of Arrangements will conduct the members of the Committee on 
Credentials there, now, so that they can go on with the organization. 



20 Proceedings op the 



The Secretary proceeded with the call : 

Minnesota — C. C. Andrews. 
Mississippi — E. M. Tindall. 
Missouri — Geo. A. Moser. 
Nebraska — P. B. Stevenson. 
Nevada— H. H. Beck. 

Mr. , of 1 move that we adjourn for one hour, to wait for the 

Committee on Credentials. 

The motion did not prevail. 

Mr. , of Pennsylvania — Mr. Chairman, it would facilitate "business in this 

Convention if each delegate should hand in the name, and save the calling of the 
entire delegation from each State ; and I move, therefore, that all of these delega- 
tions send the name of one delegate for each of these different Committees. 

Mr. , of Michigan — I move as a substitute for that, that, as the names of 

the several States are called, the Chairman of the delegation announce the name 
selected by the delegation for the several committees that are to be appointed, so 
that the roll-call need be gone through with but once. 

The Chairman — The officers of the Convention are now executing an order of the 
Convention. 

The Secretary proceeded with the call : 

New Hampshire — John H. Bailey. 
New Jersey — Jarvis H. Bartlett. 
New York — Hamilton Harris. 
North Carolina — W. R. Myers. 
Oregon — R. Mallory. 
Ohio — William Stoms. 
Pennsylvania — James H. Orne. 
Rhode Island — Lysander Flagg. 
South Carolina — B. F. Whittemore. 
Tennessee — L. C. Houk. 
Texas — A. H. Longley. 
Vermont — Wm. W. Grout. 
Virginia — John Hauxhurst. 
West Virginia— E. R. Hall. 
Wisconsin — A. Scott Sloan. 
The Chairman op the Virginia Delegation — Mr. Chairman — For Virginia, I 
wish to change, and insert the name of F. M. Kimball. 

COMMITTEE ON RESOLUTIONS. 
Mr. Osborne, of Ohio — I offer the following resolution for adoption : In calling 



flEPUBLICAN pONYENTION. 21 

the residue of the roll — to save time — I ask, Mr. Chairman, for information whether 
the present calling is through. 

The Chairman — Yes, sir. 

Mr. Osborne, of Ohio — Then my motion will come in. 

The Secretary read the following resolution, offered by Mr. 
Osborne, of Ohio : 

Resolved, That the several States be called in their order, and that, when so 
called, the Chairman of the respective delegations declare the names of the Vice 
President and committeemen as agreed upon by their delegation, and that said 
names be sent up to the Secretary in writing. 

Mr. McClure, of Pennsylvania — I move, Mr. Chairman, as a substitute, or as an 
amendment — there are but two more committees to appoint — I move, as a substitute 
for the resolution of the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Osborne], that this Convention 
do now proceed to appoint the two committees, as the others have been appointed, 
but at the same time — one upon resolutions and one upon rules. When the delega- 
tions are called, let them give in both at the same time, and then we are through. 
The committeemen, upon organization, will, of course, know who their States want 
for Vice President, and will present them in committee. We don't want them 
presented here. I make that as an amendment or substitute — that we now proceed 
to appoint the two additional Committees, one upon platform or resolutions and one 
upon rules, and that the roll be called, and that they both be handed in at the same 
time — and then we are through. 

Mr. Osborne, of Ohio — I have to say to the gentleman of Pennsylvania (Mr. 
McClure), that it is a mere matter of form. So far as Ohio is concerned, we have 
selected the man who is to be our Vice President. 

Mr. McClure, of Pennsylvania — So have we. 

Mr. Osborne, of Ohio — The delegation have agreed upon all these, including the 
office of President. 

Mr. McClure, of Pennsylvania— So have we. 

Mr. Osborne, of Ohio — There is no objection, as I see, to sending up the names. 

Mr. Lee, of Ohio — Mr. Chairman, I do trust and hope we shall have no more 
motions and resolutions, but, that this Convention will be quiet, and allow the 
work to proceed rapidly. [Applause.] I hope this motion and resolution will 
be voted down, and the calling of the roll will proceed at once. I move to lay the 
resolution upon the table, although it comes from a colleague. 

The motion to lay the resolution on the table prevailed. 
The Secretary proceeded to call the roll, and the following Com- 
mittee on Resolutions was named : 

Alabama — Daniel C. Humphreys. 
Arkansas — H. B. Morse. 
Colorado — Geo. M. Chilcott. 
Connecticut — J. M. Woodward. 
Delaware — C. S. Layton. 



22 Proceedings op the 



Florida — R. T. Rombeaur. 
Georgia— H. K. McCoy* 
Illinois — Herman Raster. 
Indiana — R. W. Thompson. 
Iowa — George M. Dodge. 
Kansas — B. F. Simpson. 
Kentucky — Charles Eginton. 
Louisiana — W. R. Fish. 
Maine — Eugene Hale. 
Massachusetts — F. W. Bird. 
Maryland — John L. Thomas, Jr. 
Michigan — Robert R. Beecher. 
Minnesota — R. M. McLaren. 
Mississippi — A. R. Howe. 
Missouri — R. T. Van Home. 
Nebraska — R. W. Furnas. 
Nevada — C. E. DeLong. 
New Hampshire — James F. Briggs. 
New Jersey — John Davidson. 
New York — Charles Andrews. 
North Carolina — L. G. Estes. 
Ohio — John C. Lee. 
Oregon — H. R. Kincaid. 
Pennsylvania — S. E. Dimmick. 
Rhode Island — Rowland G. Hazard. 
South Carolina — B. 0. Duncan. 
Tennessee— William Y. Elliott. 
Texas — Geo. W. Paschal. 
Vermont— "William H. Johnson. 
Virginia — Lysander Hill. 
West Virginia— Robert S. Brown. 
Wisconsin — Horace Rublee. 



DISPOSITION OF RESOLUTIONS. 



Mb. Eginton, of Kentucky — Mr. Chairman, I offer the following resolution : 
Resolved, That all resolutions offered be referred, without debate, to the Com- 
mittee on Resolutions. 

The motion prevailed. 

COMMITTEE ON RULES. 

Mr. McClure, of Pennsylvania — I ask, now, for the call of the roll, for a Com- 
mittee on Rules and'Order of Business. 

The Chairman — That will be done unless objections be made. 



Republican Ponyention. 23 



The Secretary proceeded to call the roll, and the following 
committee was named: 

Alabama — Robert M. Reynolds. 
Arkansas — L. H. Roots. 

Colorado — J. B. Chaffee. 

Connecticut — S. L. Sayles. 

Delaware — Isaac J. Jenkins. 

Florida — V. B. Chamberlain. 

Georgia — David G. Cotting. 

Illinois — Emory A. Storrs. 

Indiana— G. K. Steele. 

Iowa— L. M. Holt. 

Kansas— C. W. Babcock. 

Kentucky — Thomas J. Pickett. 

Louisiana — A. J. Sypher. 

Maine— W. P. Harriman. 

Maryland— G. W. Z. Black. 

Massachusetts — E. Howe. 

Michigan — William B. Williams. 

Minnesota — A. A. Butler. 

Mississippi — D. McA. Williams. 

Missouri — A. W. Mullins. 

Nebraska — S. A. Strickland. 

Nevada — 0. R. Leonard. 

New Hampshire — E. Vaughan. 

New Jersey — C. A. Skillman. 

New York — George Barker. 

North Carolina — F. F. French. 

Ohio— T. L. Young. 

Oregon — Maxwell Ramsey. 

Pennsylvania — T. E. Cochrane. 

Rhode Island — W. H. Reynolds. 

South Carolina — J. P. McEpping. 

Tennessee — W. J. Smith. 

Texas— C. N. Riottet. 

Vermont — G. C. Shepard. 

Virginia — G. S. Smith. 

West Virginia — Henry C. McWhorter. 

Wisconsin — A. J. Turner. 
The Chairman — Your Committee on Permanent Organization having been 
appointed, what is the further pleasure of the Convention ? I would announce to 
the members of the Committee on Resolutions and on Order of Business, that there 
are members of the Committee of Arrangements waiting in the hall, to conduct them 
to their rooms. 

Mr. Sickles, of New York — I believe, Mr. Chairman, that all the business which 
can be accomplished by the temporary organization is disposed of, and I think it is 
time now we should take a recess, to enable the committees to make their reports. 



24 f 



ROCEEDINGS OF THE 



I, therefore, move that we take a recess until 5 o'clock. [Calls for 4 o'clock.] I 
would gladly accede to the suggestions made, but, in my judgment, the committees 
will not be able to report before 5 o'clock, especially the Committee on Credentials. 
I think I have named the earliest hour. 

Mr. , of 1 hope it will be 5 o'clock. 

Mr. Sickles, of New York— It will be difficult for the committees to get 
through before 5 o'clock. 

Mr. , of 1 would move that the hour be 7 o'clock, in order to 

enable the several committees to do their work well. 

The Chairman — It is moved and seconded that the Convention adjourn until 5 
o'clock. To this motion an amendment is offered, that the adjournment be until 7 
o'clock. 

Voices — There is no second to the amendment. 

The Chairman — The motion to adjourn is, that the Convention adjourn until 5 
o'clock. 

The motion prevailed, and the Convention adjourned. 



EVENING SESSION. 

The Convention re-assembled, pursuant to adjournment, at 5 
o'clock, and was called to order by the Chairman. 

CALLS FOR REPORTS. 

The Chairman— The first business will be the report of the committees, and, 
unless objection is made, I shall call, first, for the report of the Committee on 
Permanent Organization. Is the Committee ready to report ? 

Mr. Myers, of North Carolina — Mr. Chairman, the delegation from North Caro- 
lina have been unable to find the Committee, and I desire to hand in the name of 
Alfred Dochery for Vice-President. 

The Chairman — The Committee on Permanent Organization will be ready to 
report in a little while. I have received a series of resolutions passed by the Union 
League of America, and, unless objected to, I shall refer them to' the Committee on 
Ptesolutions. 

No objection being made, the resolutions were referred to the 
Committee on Resolutions. 

The Chairman— The Chairman of the Committee on Permanent Organization is 
now ready to report. 



Republican Ponyention. 25 

Mr. Days, of California — Mr. Chairman, I rise to a point of order. My point of 
order is, that until the Committee on Credentials report, we do not know who are 
the members of the Convention, and, hence, we can have no permanent organization. 
Several Delegates — " Go on." " Let us hear the report." 

Mr. Claflin, of Massachusetts —I would suggest that the Committee on Creden- 
tials can report all but the contested seats at once, and then we can proceed, and 
they can report when they get ready. I make that motion, requesting them to 
report all but the contested seats. 

The motion prevailed. 

Mr. Morehead, of Pennsylvania — Mr. Chairman, while we are waiting for the 
Committee on Credentials to report, I hope the Committee on Permanent Organiza- 
tion will be permitted to proceed and make their report. I do not think it 
necessary that the time of the Convention should be delayed. I saw a member of 
the Committee on Credentials a few minutes ago, a Pennsylvania member, who was 
going to their committee room. He said they were listening to a long argument, 
from one of the gentlemen from California. I hope the business of the Convention 
will not be delayed. I move, therefore, that the Committee on Permanent Organiza- 
tion now make their report. 

The motion prevailed. 

The Chairman — The Committee on Permanent Organization will now make 
their report. 

REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON PERMANENT ORGANIZATION. 

Mr. Hamilton Harris, of New York, Chairman of the Committee on Permanent 
Organization — Mr. Chairman, I am instructed by the Committee on Permanent 
Organization to report the name of General Joseph R. Hawley for permanent 
President of the Convention. [Applause.] 

The report was adopted. 

The Chairman— I would designate Ex-Governor Salomon, of Wisconsin, and 
Ex-Governor Brown, of Georgia, a committee to conduct Ex-Governor Hawley, of 
Connecticut, to the chair. 

The gentlemen named, then conducted Mr. Hawley to the chair. 
Three cheers for Governor Hawley were given. 
Three cheers were given for Governor Brown. 
Three cheers more were given for the retiring Chairman, General 
Schurz. 

The Chairman — Gentlemen, permit me to introduce to you the permanent Presi- 
dent of this Convention, Ex-Governor Hawley, of Connecticut. 

4 



26 Proceedings of the 



ADDKESS BY THE PRESIDENT, EX-GOV. HAWLEY, OF CONNECTICUT. 



Upon taking the chair, the President said : 

Gentlemen of the Convention : I tender you my most grateful thanks for the 
high honor you have conferred upon me. Deeply impressed by a sense of the 
responsibilities of the position, I earnestly solicit your indulgence and your aid. 
We come together, charged with the momentous duty of selecting the chief rulers 
of the great nation which leads the world in the promotion of freedom and equal 
rights. [Applause.] The indications of your purpose and spirit already given, 
assure us that you will maintain the noble character of the Republican party. 

We unavoidably recall the Convention of 1860, with its profound anxieties, its 
fresh, pure and glowing devotion to liberty, and its enthusiastic acceptance of the 
wager of battle tendered by slavery and secession. [Applause.] It now seems 
to clear to us that God ruled our councils. [Great applause.] He made our 
declaration of principles manly and sincere. He gave us Abraham Lincoln for 
President. [Tremendous cheering.] May He send us like wisdom and success 
to-day. [Applause.] 

He tested us in a manner, and to an extent, which the liveliest imagination could 
not have anticipated. Posterity, we hope, will decide that we met that test with 
the spirit worthy of a free people. Countless treasure, and three hundred thousand 
lives freely offered, are the evidences that we were solemnly in earnest. We offered 
our lives and our property ; but it was not enough. We laid our prejudices of race 
and class upon the altar, and the consciousness that we at last deserved success 
redoubled our strength. The same high resolve rules to-day, and the Union men of 
this country are ready for equal and even greater sacrifices, if they be indispensable 
to the dedication of this Continent to liberty and equal rights. [Applause.] 

We learned the first lesson when we found that we must make all men free, and 
call all men to the battle-field. We learned the second lesson when we found that 
we must still move on and give impartially to all men a share in the Government we 
were endeavoring to restore. [Great applause.] 

With a clear and fearless expression of the essential and important questions at 
issue — which the people well understand, and no ingenious device, no words can 
obscure or avoid — passing by all personal and temporary controversies, working 
in perfect confidence that the American people mean to do right, and will do it in 
the end, we may feel sure of triumph. The power of a nation of forty millions 
must be behind the just claim of the poorest workingman, of whatever race, to 
recover even and just wages. Its majesty must be felt wherever the humblest loyal 
man appeals against personal violence and oppression. [Cheers.] For every 
dollar of the national debt, the blood of a soldier is pledged. [Great cheering.] 
Every bond, in letter and in spirit, must be as sacred as a soldier's grave. 
[Cheers.] We must win, gentlemen, and we shall win. It is the old fight of 
liberty, equality and fraternity, against oppression, caste and aristocracy. It is 
the old fight to make the world better, with "malice toward none, and charity for 
all." [Loud applause.] 

We may halt for a moment, or change direction, but the good cause always goes 
steadily forward. It is related — and, whether it be true or not, the incident is well 



Republican Ponyention. 27 



invented — that, on the evening of that awful battle of the Wilderness, when the 
legions of the Union army had fought all day, rather by faith than by sight, in the 
wild woods and tangled brush, that some one asked General Grant to step back- 
ward a little, and re-organize, and that he replied, "We have done very well, 
gentlemen ! At half past three in the morning we move forward ! " [Long and con- 
tinued cheering.] We accept his spirit and his words. 

Perhaps I am not anticipating in saying that we shall accept him in person again 
as onr leader. [Loud cheering.] 

Thanking you again, gentlemen, very heartily for the honor conferred, I await 
the pleasure of the Convention. [Applause.] 

FURTHER REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON PERMANENT ORGANIZATION. 

Mr. Hamilton Harris, of New York, Chairman of the Com- 
mittee on Permanent Organization, then further reported, as follows : 

FOR PRESIDENT. 

GENERAL JOSEPH R. HAWLEY, of Connecticut. 

FOR VICE PRESIDENTS. 

Alabama — Willard Warner. 
Arkansas — A. McDonald. 
California — James Coey. 
Colorado — J. B. Chaffee. 
Connecticut — W. H. Pierson. 
Delaware — Lewis Thompson. 
Florida— H. H. Moody. 
Georgia — Foster Blodgett. 
Illinois — Jesse K. Dubois. 
Indiana — W. Q. Gresham. 
Iowa — J. M. Hedrick. 
Kansas — S. S. Prouty. 
Kentucky — J. F. Speed. 
Louisiana — W. P. Kellogg. 
Maine — T. A. D. Fessenden. 
Maryland — Henry Stockbridge. 
Massachusetts — D. W. Gooch. 
Michigan — Henry Waldron. 
Minnesota — Horatio P. Van Cleve. 
Mississippi — Thos. L. White. 
Missouri — A. J. Harlan. 
Montana— W. F. Sanders. 
Nebraska — A. Saunders. 
Nevada — J. M. Walker. 
New Hampshire — E. Gould. 






28 



r 



ROCEEDINGS OF THE 



New Jersey — Jno. S. Iriek. 

New York— Chauncey M. Depew. 

North Carolina— Alfred Dockery. 

Ohio -N. C. McFarland. 

Oregon — J. R. Failing. 

Pennsylvania— J. K. Morehead, 

Rhode Island — W. Green. 

South Carolina — Carlos T. Stolbrand. 

Tennessee — T. A. Hamilton. 

Texas— S. D. Wood. 

Vermont — G. J. Stannard. 

Virginia — J. Burke. 

West Virginia — S. D. Karns. 

Wisconsin — Edward Salomon. 



SECRETARIES. 



Thomas D. Fister, 
V. Dell, 
C. B. Higby, 
F. B. Salomon, 
B. Bent, 

Joshua T. Heald, 
J. Rhombeaur, 
Geo. G. Wilber, 
James P. Root, 
Chas. R. Hogate, 
J. H. Easton, 
Lewis Weil, 
Charles Seymour, 



Wm. C. Goodloe, 
C. W. Lowell, 
Stephen D. Lindsey, 
E. F. Waters, 
Geo. G. Briggs, 
W. W. Scott, 
A. Worley Patterson, 
J. C. S. Colby, 
Samuel Maxwell, 
G. N. Collins, 
Francis B. Ayer, 
Robt. C. Bellville, 



Luther Caldwell, 
J. W. Holden, 
Coates Kenney, 
Max Ramsey, 
A. C. Harmer, 

Pehiter, 

Wm. E. Rose, 
T. McKinley, 
Wm. P. Home, 
S. D. Ringree, 
Edgar Allen. 
Joseph T. Hoke. 



Mr. 



of New York — Before we vote on the adoption of the report, I ask 



the members from the State of Maine the name of their Vice President. 
Mb. Shepley, of Maine — T. A. D. Fessenden. 

Upon motion, the report of the Committee on Permanent 
Organization was adopted. 



Mr. 



of Illinois — I have a suggestion to make : That when a member 



rises to address the Chair, he immediately announce the State from which he comes. 
This would save a great deal of confusion, and enable the Chair to recognize the 
person. 

The President — I will suggest that they add their own name in case of any 
extended remarks— at least, give their names and their State. 



Republican Ponyention. 29 



MOTION TO NOMINATE. 

Mr. Swift, of Indiana— Mr. President, as the first and most fitting act of this 
Convention, after the permanent organization, I move, now, that General Ulysses S. 
Grant be declared its nominee for President by acclamation. [Cries of "No," 
" no." " Too early."] 



Mr. Cochrane, of New York — Mr. President, I am informed that there is a 
committee in waiting from the Soldiers' and Sailor's Convention, which convened 
and finished their proceedings on yesterday, charged with the duties of presenting 
those proceedings to this Convention. I move you, sir, a committee of five be 
appointed to escort them into the presence of this Convention, so that they may 
hereupon and now discharge their duties. 

The motion prevailed. 

Mr. Cowles, of North Carolina — I move now, sir, that the Vice Presidents take 
their seats upon the stand, in order to put the platform in shape for the reception 
of the delegation. 

The President — Gentlemen, you have heard the suggestion. So far as it is 
possible, it will be well that the Vice Presidents and Secretaries should take their 
seats upon the stage. [Laughter.] 

Mr. Bartholomew, of Pennsylvania — Mr. President, as the business of the 
Convention will necessarily be delayed a few moments, preparatory to the recep- 
tion of this committee, and the report of committees now appointed and in action, 
I move you, sir, that General Daniel E. Sickles be invited to address this Conven- 
tion on the topics of the day. [Cheers. " Good," " good."] 

Mr. Sickles, of New York — Mr. President, I beg the gentleman to withdraw 
that request. I should be very happy, on some proper occasion, to address this 
body, but at this time I should be very reluctant to interrupt the process of business 
with any remarks. Besides, I am one of the delegation to this body from the 
Soldiers' and Sailors' Convention, and my duties will require me, in a very few 
minutes, to join that deputation to present the proceedings of the Soldiers' and 
Sailors' Convention to this body. 

Mr. Bartholomew, of Pennsylvania — Under the explanation, I withdraw my 
motion. 

The President — The Chair announces as the Committee to receive the delega- 
tion from the Soldiers' and Sailors' Convention: Gen. Cochrane, of New York; 
Gen. Schurz, of Missouri; Gen. Dodge, of Iowa; Gen. Sweet, of Illinois. 

Mr. , of —Mr. Dodge, of Iowa, is on the Committee on Resolu- 
tions, and is absent from the building. I would suggest the name of Col. Craig in 
place of Gen. Dodge. 

The President — The name of Col. Craig will be taken in place of Gen. Dodge, 
if there is no objection. 



30 Proceedings of the 

The delegation of the Soldiers' and Sailors' Convention was 
conducted to the front of the platform. 

Mr. Cochrane, of New York — Mr. President, I have the honor, in behalf of the 
committee recently appointed by, yourself, to announce that they have discharged 
the duty to which they were appointed. I introduce to the Convention, through 
yourself, Gen. Fairchild, of Wisconsin, Chairman of the Committee from the 
Soldiers' and Sailors' Convention. [Prolonged applause.] 

Gen. Fairchild. of Wisconsin — Mr. President and gentlemen of the Convention — 
As instructed by the members of the Soldiers' and Sailors' Convention, I appear 
before you in their behalf, to present to you a resolution, passed unanimously by 
them yesterday afternoon, as follows : 

" Resolved, That we, the soldiers and sailors, steadfast now, as ever, to the Union 
and the flag, fully recognize the claims of General Ulysses S. Grant to the confidence 
of the American people, and believing that the victories won under his guidance 
in war will be illustrated by him in peace, by such measures as will secure the 
fruits of our exertions, and restore the Union upon the loyal basis, we declare it as 
our deliberate conviction that he is the choice of the soldiers and sailors of the 
Union for the office of President of the United States of America." [Loud 
applause.] 

Mr. President and gentlemen — The soldiers of the United States ask the nomina- 
tion of General Grant for President of the United States, because we love him ; 
and we love him, sir, because he is loyal to the Union, loyal to justice, loyal to 
freedom, and loyal to right; and if you will give us our comrade as leader in the 
campaign of 1868, we will bear down upon the enemy's works as we did upon the 
enemy's works in the field in 1864. [Applause.] 

The President — It is hardly necessary that I should say that such a communi- 
cation is received with the warmest interest from Republican Soldiers and 
Sailors by a Republican Convention. The communication is before you. 

Mr. Spalding, of Ohio — I propose three cheers for the soldiers and sailors. 

Three hearty cheers were given. 

MOTION TO NOMINATE — AGAIN. 

Mr. Lane, of Indiana — Mr. President, I move you that the nomination of 
General Ulysses S. Grant be now declared by acclamation by this Convention. 
[Cries — "Wait awhile." "The Committee on Credentials hasn't reported." 
" Question.'"] 

The President — The motion as made is seconded. 

Mr. Tremain, of New York — Mr. President, I presume there is no member of 
this Convention who is not prepared at the proper time to indorse the recommenda- 
tion made by the soldiers and sailors. I presume there is not one loyal heart that 
does not beat in unison with the sentiment that calls upon us to select that great 
chieftain, Ulysses S. Grant, as our standard-bearer in this campaign. [Applause.] 
Sir, I want the proceedings of this Convention to go forth with such dignity, and as 
the result of such deliberation as not only will command our approval, but the 
approval of those who sent us here. [Applause.] 



Republican Ponvention. 31 

Now, I happened to be present at the Convention in Baltimore, in 1864, when 
the same unanimity prevailed that called upon the representatives of the people 
to select Abraham Lincoln as their standard-bearer. [Applause.] But, sir, a 
motion to nominate him by acclamation was superseded by a motion that the States 
should be called in their order, and that, as each State was called, from its 
response we should have the moral force arising from the unanimous expression 
of each one of the delegates from that State, [xipplause.] Sir, when that is done, 
the Convention will be at liberty, by acclamation, to second the nomination, as the 
people will — not only in their preliminary meetings, but at the polls. [Applause.] 

I hope, therefore, my friend from Indiana, [Mr. Lane,] will withdraw the 
motion, until the States can be called in their order. 

Mr. Lane, of Indiana — Mr. President, I certainly have no desire to consume 
the time of the Convention. I only wish to get at the object. The nomination is 
already made, sanctioned by the people, and by the whole people. But, if it is 
thought better to call the States — call the States ! [Laughter.] Call the States! 
[Laughter and applause.] 

Mr. Beach, of Ohio — I would remark, in this connection, that we are not 
organized. The Committee on Credentials have not yet reported the delegates who 
are entitled to seats here, and to do anything of this kind in an unorganized con- 
dition is not appropriate. 

Mr. Logan, of Illinois — [Applause and cheers] — Mr. President, I desire merely 
to remark, that I think it would be a more appropriate mode of proceeding 
to accept the report of the committee from the Soldiers' and Sailors' Con- 
vention ; that, then, when this Convention will be fully organized, and when the 
States are represented by their delegates who shall have been accepted by the 
Convention, after the report of the Committee on Credentials, then the order of 
business would be nomination of candidates for President. [Applause.] 

I know, sir, that General Grant, of whom we are all proud, from one end of this 
broad land to the other, is, to-day, the nominee of the loyal citizens, the loyal 
soldiers and the loyal sailors of this grand and glorious country. And I simply 
desire to make this suggestion, that the Convention may consider it. As far as the 
making of the nomination by a delegate from any particular State is concerned, 
we, Illinoisans, have no pride whatever. We had as lief the nomination would come 
from one State as another, and I merely make these remarks with reference to the 
mode and order of proceeding. [Applause.] 

Mr. Cochrane, of New York — Mr. President, I move you, sir, as an amendment 
to the resolution which has been offered, and, if that resolution is withdrawn, then 
as an independent resolution, that the resolutions from the Soldiers' and Sailors' 
Convention, as reported, be accepted by the Convention, entered upon its record, 
and made a part of its proceedings. 

Mr. Lane, of Indiana — I will withdraw for that purpose. 

The motion prevailed. 

CALL FOPv THE COMMITTEE ON CREDENTIALS. 

Mr. Pierce, of Virginia— Mr. President, I would now call, sir, for the report 
of the Committee on Credentials, that we may know who there are here — whether 



32 Proceedings of the 



we have a convention or a mass-meeting. I would move you, sir, that the Com- 
mittee on Credentials be called upon now to make a report regarding all the states 
where there is no contest. 

The President — I am informed that a motion to that effect has already "been 
adopted. It was postponed for a. time, waiting for the report of the Committee on 
Permanent Organization. Is there any member of the Committee on Credentials 
who can inform us whether that committee is ready, or even partly so ? 

Mb. , of 1 desire to inform the Convention that it is not yet 

ready to report. It has a contested case before it, which is not yet determined, and 
probably will not be for an hour. 

The President — It seems to be the desire of the Convention to hear a report 
from the committee, as far as possible. If there be but one State remaining, the 
Convention wishes, as far as I can judge its sentiments, to hear from the rest. 
[Cries of "Logan," "Logan."] 

Mr. Logan, of Illinois — I beg, gentlemen, that you will excuse me. I do not 
wish to take up the time of the Convention now. At an appropriate time I have, 
certainly, no objection to respond, but at present I would rather not delay the 
Convention. [Cries of " Committee," "Committee."] 

The President — The Chairman would inform the Convention that it has twice 
sent word to the committee in question, and that it is expected every moment. [Cries 
of " Committee."] The Chairman sends word that they have finished all the con- 
tested cases, and will be here in five minutes, or as soon as they can prepare their 
report. [Laughter.] 

Mr. Conway, of Louisiana — Mr. President, I suppose that it is a part of the 
settled policy of the Republican party, to-day, to have the South come into this 
Convention Union end foremost. [Applause and laughter.] But we have another 
marked event, of special moment — that there is with us to-day, in full heart and in 
full fellowship, one of the former Governors, in the days of the rebellion, of one of 
the rebellious States, who has since become reconstructed [applause], has proved 
himself, in the fire, as true as steel, a genuine convert, and in fellowship with the 
Republican party. 

I move, sir, that during the interim, until we have the report of the Committee 
on Credentials, Ex-Governor Joseph E. Brown, of Georgia, be invited to address the 
Convention. [Applause. Cries of " Brown," " Brown."] 

The President — It is hardly necessary to put a motion which has such a 
reception. Will Governor Brown address the Convention ? 

Mr. Brown, of Georgia — Mr. President, as it has been announced that the 
committee will be ready to report in a few minutes, I think it might be improper 
that I should attempt to enter into any discussion of the questions involved at this 
time. And I could not do justice to myself or my section if I attempted to speak 
without time to review, to some extent, the questions involved. 

I do not wish, sir, to intrude upon the proceedings of this Convention. I came 
here, as has been well remarked, a reconstructed rebel. [Laughter and applause.] 
I was an original secessionist. [Laughter. Cries of " That's frank." "An open 
confession is good for the soul." Cries of "Platform," amid which Mr. Brown 
'advanced to the stage.] 

The President — Gov. Brown, of Georgia, gentlemen. [Tremendous applause.] 
Mr. Brown, of Georgia — Mr. President and gentlemen of the Convention. 



Republican Ponyention. 33 

A Voice — " Tell us your experience." Laughter and applause. 

Mr. Brown, of Georgia — As I remarked before I left my seat, I was an original 
secessionist. I was born in the State of South Carolina, in Mr. Calhoun's district. 
[Laughter.] Charmed with the fascination of his manner and the splendor of his 
intellect, I early imbibed his State Rights doctrines, and I suppose that I religiously 
believed that they were correct, as you believed that your doctrines were correct. I 
believe that I had seen for ten years, before the unfortunate struggle we have just 
passed through, that the issues which divided the North and South must ultimately 
be settled by the sword. There was no common tribunal whose judgment we would 
respect. If the Supreme Court decided a question bearing upon the great issues, 
the party against whom the decision was made refused to abide by it, because it 
was regarded as political. And, while I deprecated the necessity, I believed one 
day it must come. While Mr. Clay lived — that great man — that great pacificator — 
[cheers and great applause] — we were able to avert this issue. But Mr. Clay was 
called from his field of usefulness, and Mr. Webster died, and Mr. Calhoun slept 
with his fathers ; and when the storm again rose there was no one who could pour 
oil upon the troubled waters and stop the deluge. Secession was the result ! I 
went into it cordially, as a States' Bights man, and I stood by it — [cheers] — as long 
as there was any chance to sustain it. When the President of the Confederate 
States abandoned the great States' Rights doctrine that we commenced the revolu- 
tion upon, I differed from him. When he adopted his conscript measures, which 
gave the entire control of the whole army of the Confederate States to the President, 
with the appointment of every officer, down to the lowest Lieutenant — an error, sir, 
that your Government did not make — I took issue with him. But we went through 
the struggle. I will not attempt now to review its history, but we of the South 
fell, and you of the great North were the conquerors; and I think I had sense 
enough at the end of the struggle to know when I was whipped. [Cheers.] 

The President of the United States, after the surrender of Gen. Johnston, ordered 
my arrest and imprisonment. After my release your courts were open and I was 
left free to act. I felt then that the time had come when I should make my choice 
between this land and this Government, and some other land and some other Gov- 
ernment. I still love my own native land the best. [Cheers, and cries of "Good,'" 
"good."] And, with your construction of the Constitution, established by the 
sword, I still preferred the Government of the United States to any other recog- 
nized Government. [Cheers.] 

The natural inquiry then was : What is my interest, and what is my duty ? I 
believed it was my interest, and my choice, to remain in this Government. If I 
remained here, I must seek the amnesty of the Government for the past, and I must 
seek its protection for the future. If it yielded me that, I was in honor bound to 
return to my allegiance and make a good citizen, if I could. [Cries of "Good," 
" good," and cheers.] Hence, I have advocated every measure from that time until 
this, for reconstruction. [Applause.] When the President of the United States 
proposed his plan, 1 advised our people to accept it ; because we had fallen, and we 
had no other power to negotiate with but him. He did not call Congress together. 

When Congress, which had the legitimate control of this question — [cheers and 

prolonged applause], proposed the Constitutional Amendment to the Southern 

States, I advised such friends as sought my opinion upon the question, that it was 

better to accept it. But the feeling was so overwhelming against it that no voice 

5 



34 Proceedings op the 



could stay it. Unwisely, the Southern States promptly rejected those terms. I did 
not then suppose it would ever get better terms. I was satisfied we must submit to 
worse ones. What was that Constitutional Amendment ? 

There was but one living issue in it, and that was the suffrage question — and 
that Congress left with the States to settle for themselves. If we voted the black 
race, we must count them in our representation; if we refused to vote them we could 
not count them. That was right ! [Cheers and great applause. Cries of " Right! 
right!"] 

With reference to the Federal debt, there was no question there. 

There was but one other important measure connected with it ; that was the pro- 
vision that disqualified me, and others in my condition, from holding office. That 
was no living issue. I and others like me will soon pass from the stage, and if we 
are never relieved by Congress there are other and better men to take our places. 
Therefore, in my judgment, we acted unwisely. 

What next followed ? The Supplemental Bill and the Sherman Act. I advised, 
immediately on the passage of that act, that we promptly accept the terms. At 
that time it would have been easy for me. True, without vanity, I may say I 
had some popularity in my State, and had four times been elected the Executive of 
my State. I might have retained and courted popularity. But duty and my judg- 
ment dictated to me a different course. I did it ; and I have received the hearty 
denunciation of my people — or a large proportion of them — for having done so. 

I have been denounced as a traitor to my race, and a traitor to the " Lost Cause " 
which I had so much at heart. I do not think so. I think my course more honor- 
able than the course of that man who was a rebel and sought the same amnesty that 
I sought, and received the same protection from the Government that I received, 
and then stays in its bosom its enemy, prepared to sting it when opportunity offers. 
[" Good," " good," and Applause.] When I fought you, I fought you openly and 
boldly. When I surrendered, I surrendered in good faith. [Cheers.] And when 
I took the amnesty oath, I took it with a purpose religiously to observe it. By my 
theory (and I had been taught that it is the true one), my primary allegiance was to 
the State. When I had formally taken an oath to support the Constitution of the 
United States, I understood it to bind me only while my State remained in the 
Union ; but if she withdrew (which I believed she had the right to do, for just cause, 
by the very necessity of the case), I thought she must be the judge. I did not feel 
that I had violated that oath when I went with my State. But, since that time, when 
the President of the United States offered me his pardon, he required me to take a 
very different oath. I was sworn to support not only the Constitution of the United 
States, but the Union of the States. [Applause.] When I did that I abandoned the 
doctrine of secession, for I cannot support the union of the States and encourage 
secession from the Union. [Cheers.] The Virginia and Kentucky resolutions that 
included that doctrine, as I understood them, had always been the very platform 
upon which the Democracy had stood. But when the platform was knocked from 
under my party, I had nothing left to take hold on. As I understood the doctrines 
of the Democratic party, they were sovereignty and the right of secession. The 
sword has established a different doctrine, and hence it is that I am no longer bound 
by party allegiance to stand by the Democratic party. Where do I naturally fall, 
then ? The Hamiltonian and Websterian construction of the Constitution has been 
established by the sword. I have acquiesced in that, and, as I find the Republican 



Republican Ponyention. 35 

party on that platform to-day, my oath has bound me to abandon the doctrine which 
the Democratic party stood upon, and that naturally leads me, as I think, into the 
Republican party. [Cheers.] I know this is a very unpopular doctrine in the 
South, but I believe it is the true doctrine. But let me tell you, Mr. President and 
gentlemen, that there are many white men in the South, there are large numbers 
of original Democrats in the South, there are large numbers of orginal secessionists 
in the South, who, to-day, stand as firmly by the Republican party, and will support 
the great Captain of the age, Gen. Grant— [great applause] — as well as you will. 

Our Democratic friends have appealed to the whole country against negro suf- 
frage, have showered anathemas upon it, and denounced it as an outrage upon 
humanity and upon society ; and yet, in the late elections there, the negro who would 
vote the Democratic ticket was really a very respectable fellow! — [laughter] — while 
a white man who voted the Republican ticket was a scalawag and a traitor! 
[Cheers and laughter.] They tell us: then you establish negro supremacy in the 
South. Not so ; not so. Although they denounce those of us who act with the 
Republican party as being no better than negroes, I still feel I belong to the white 
race, and that I would advocate and sustain no policy that put any other race over 
my race in the South, or made them supreme there. While we grant to the colored 
people all their rights, civil and political, we do not expect them to be our masters. 
Much as you have seen in the papers on that subject, it is not so. In the State of 
Georgia, for instance, when those who are included in the constitutional amend- 
ment, and who will be voters, although they have no right to hold offices under our 
new constitution, come to the ballot-box, there are twenty thousand majority of 
white men there. What little property is left, is all in the hands of the white men. 
We have the advantage of education. We have the advantage in experience, and 
we claim that we have superiority of race. Tell me not, then, that the black peo- 
ple of Georgia can rule Georgia, when they are twenty thousand in the minority, 
and we have all these advantages. This is said with a view of prejudicing the 
Republican party, North and South. Is it not so ? In other States, even where the 
blacks are in the majority, if our white race act properly in this matter, there will 
be no difficulty of that sort. 

I am aware I am taking up too much time. [Cries — "Go on."] 

The President — Is the Chairman of the Committee here? 

Mr. Brown, of Georgia— I will thank you, at any moment, to interrupt me when 
the committee comes in. [A voice — " It is coming now."] 

Mr. Brown, of Georgia — Just in conclusion, let me say, while we have a hard 
fight to make in Georgia, if you will give us the fruits of the victory we have lately 
won in a desperate fight, we will carry Georgia for General Grant. [Great, 
applause.] 

Allow me one word before I take my seat. I have said, if we do it, you must 
give us the fruits of our victory. We have elected our Governor ; we have adopted 
our Constitution by a large majority, and we have elected a majority in both 
branches of the General Assembly. Yet our Governor is not inaugurated, our 
Legislature is not called together. We desire that Mr. Stevens' bill, that passed the 
House of Representatives the other day, be slightly amended in the Senate, and 
there passed. Then we are on our feet. And the amendment we desire is this : 
That the Senate of the United States amend that bill so as to allow the Governor 
elect — Governor Bullock — to convene his Legislature on ten days' notice ; let him 



36 Proceedings op the 



be inaugurated, let them act, and they will adopt the constitutional amendment ; 
and then let them elect Senators, and receive us into Congress, and give us control 
of the State Government and its patronage, which we fought for and won, and 
which we must have if we are to succeed in this contest. [Great applause.] 



KEPOET OF THE COMMITTEE ON CREDENTIALS. 

Mr. Lee, of Louisiana, Chairman of the Committee on Credentials— Mr. Presi- 
dent, your committee report the names of the several delegates from the several 
States, and especially report in reference to the State of Pennsylvania, that there 
appeared fifty-nine delegates, whereas that State is entitled, under the call, to only 
fifty-two votes in this Convention ; that your committee recommend that those 
fifty-nine delegates named in their report be admitted to seats upon the floor of the 
Convention, and that they be authorized to cast the fifty-two votes to which the 
State is entitled, such being the wish of the Pennsylvania delegation. 

Tour committee have further reported in favor of allowing to each of the dele- 
gations from the several Territories, and, also, the District of Columbia, the right 
to seats upon the floor, and the privilege of casting, each, two votes. And, further, 
Mr. President, we report to you the names of delegates from the States of Maryland 
and California, which, in our judgment, are entitled to seats upon the floor, and to 
a voice in the Convention. 

Mr. — , of — — — I move, now, that the delegates reported from California 

and Maryland be read by the Secretary. 

Mr. Warner, of Alabama — I ask for information whether the delegates from the 
unreconstructed States are included in this report ? 

Mr. Lee, of Louisiana — I would state that the delegates from the unreconstructed 
States are included in this report as entitled to seats and votes. [Applause.] I 
will state that the committee considered that the action of the Convention, this 
morning, effectually settled that question. 

Mr. , of Maryland — Before Ihe names of the delegates from those two 

States are read, I desire to ask my friend, the Chairman of the Committee, to make 
this statement in regard to the delegation from Maryland : The committee resolved 
that the delegation headed by Mr. Cresswell should be admitted to seats on the 
floor with the right to cast votes, and that the delegation headed by Ex-Governor 
Thomas and Judge Bond, should be admitted to the floor with the right to have seats 
thereon, without being permitted to vote. 

Mr. Lee, of Louisiana — That is correct. 

The President— The report will be filed by the Secretary. 



•Republican Ponyention. 37 



LIST OF DELEGATES. 



ALABAMA. 

DELEGATES. ALTERNATES. 

At Large — Robert M. Reynolds 

David C. Humphreys — 

James P. Stow — 

Thomas D. Fister 



Dist. 1— Albert Griffin ,.. 

Almon M. Granger.... 
2— Willard Warner 

John C. Keffer 

3 — John J. Martin 

Robert T. Smith 

4— Thomas L. Tullock 

Benjamin S. Williams 
5 — William J. Haralson.... 

Joseph W. Burke 

6— G. M. Tabor 

Jacob Y. Cantwell 



ARKANSAS. 



At Large — Benjamin F. Rice 

Alexander McDonald. 

W. H. Gray 

R. W. McChesney 

Dist. 1— W. S. McCullough .... 

W. H. Rogers 

2— H. B. Morse 

L. H. Roots 

3 — Samuel F. Cooper.... 

Valentine Dill 



38 



PROCEEDINGS OF THE 



CALIFORNIA. 



DELEGATES. 

At Large — James Coey , 

P. E. Conner 

J. Stratman 

Dist. 1 — Wm. H. Sears.... 

Wm. E. Lovett... 
2— C. B. Higby 

J. M. Days 

3 — Thomas Spencer. 

J. S. Rogers 



ALTERNATES. 



COLORADO. 



At Large — John Evans 

Jerome B. Chaffee... 

Geo. M. Chilcott. 

Harper M. Orahood. 
John C. Anderson... 
James Peck 



CONNECTICUT. 



At Large— J. R. Hawley 

0. H. Piatt 

Marshall Jewell 

Thomas Clark 

Dist. 1— H. W. Carr W. S. Pierson 

E. M. Smith Patten Fitch 

2 S. W. Kellogg James M.Woodward 

Bartlett Bent, Jr Thomas Clark 

3 — Horace Smith 

Sahin L. Sayles 

4 Wm. G. Coe Truman A. Warren 

A. Homer Byington — 



jplEPUBLICAN pONYENTION. 39 



DAKOTA. 

DELEGATES. ALTERNATES. 

G. C. Moody J. L. Jolley 

C. B. Valentine J. R. Hanson 



DELAWAKE. 

Joshua T. Heald James B. Henry 

Nathaniel B. Smithers Wilson L. Cannon 

Caleb S. Layton S. D. Strawbridge 

Lewis Thompson John F. "Williamson 

Thomas B. Coursey Jas. R. Lofland 

Isaac J. Jenkins George Joseph 



DISTKICT OF COLUMBIA. 



Sayles J. Bowen , 

Wm. L. Morse 

G. W. Wells 

Benjamin N. Meeds. 
Samuel L. Brown.... 



FLOKIDA. 



H. H. Moody 

S. B. Connover .... 
R. T. Rombeaur.. 
V. B. Chamberlin. 






40 



Proceedings op the 



GEORGIA. 



DELEGATES. 

At Large — Foster Blodgett... 
Joseph E. Brown. 

J. R. Parrott 

H. K. McCoy 

Dist. 1— T. P. Robb 

Isaac Seeley 

2— F. 0. Welch 

D. B. Harrell 

3—1. G. Maull 

W. C. Smith 

4— G. G. Wilbur 

J. B. Etze 

5— D. G. Cotting 

Wm. Gibson , 

6 — Madison Bell 

E. Hulbert. 

7— L. P. Gudger 

W. H. Watson 



ALTERNATES. 



IDAHO. 



J. H. Alvord.... 
Geo. I. Gilvert, 



Republican Ponvention. 41 



ILLINOIS. 

DELEGATES. ALTERNATES. 

At Large — John A.Logan J. D. Galloway 

A. C. Babcock T. W. Harris 

John H. Addams E. S. Conditt 

B. J. Sweet W. D. Henderson 

Jesse K. Dubois C. H. Ray 

Emory A. Storrs D. G. Hays 

Dist. 1 — J. Russel Jones Merrill Ladd 

Herman Raster L. P. Otis 

2 — M. L. Joslyn Chauncey Ellwood 

Wm, Hulin Robert Swain 

3 — James L.Camp R. V. Aukney 

M. D. Swift C. B. Smith 

4— Calvin Truesdale K. K. Jones 

Ira D. Chamberlain . H. W. Draper 

5_W. L. Wiley P.M. Blair 

Mark Bangs J. S. Merrier 

6— Henry Fish W. H. Palmerston 

Calhoun Grant s W. C. Goodhue 

7— J. W. Langley A. B. Reff 

James Steele Thomas Apperson 

8— Giles A. Smith John McWilliams 

J. S. Whittinger Henry S. Green 

9_G. w, Whitney L. S. Allard 

Hugh N. Fullerton B. R. Hangton 

10 — John Logan George L. Zine 

A. C. Vandeventer David Pierson 

11— J. A. Powell A. B. Barrett 

W. 0. Robinson W. H. Blakely 

12— T. E. Hosmer John McCutchins 

Philip Eisenmyer W. H. Copp 

13— B. G. Root J. C. Willis 

Thos. S. Ridgeway W. A. Sweeney 



42 Proceedings of the 



INDIANA. ) 

DELEGATES. ALTERNATES. 

At Large — Robert W. Thompson D. C. Branham 

Henry S. Lane Silas Colgrove 

William A. Peele Daniel D. Pratt 

Walter Q. Gresham John W. Foster 

Dist. 1 — Cyrus M. Allen Dr. A. Lewis 

Lemuel Q. DeBruler D. C. Jacquess 

2 — Andrew Caskin John F. Carr 

John C. Albert J. B. Merriwether 

3 — John G. Berkshire Smith Vawter 

A. W. Prather D. G. Rabb 

4 — Kichard H. Swift Joseph Livingston 

Benj. F. Claypool Nimrod H. Johnson 

5 — Chas. F. Hogate Ezra Olleman 

Wm. M. French G. H. Voss 

6— George K. Steele John P. Baird 

Geo. H. Buskirk Harrison Woodsmall 

7 — Joseph Odell W. J. Templeton 

James H. Paris ...Robert Fisher 

8 — John Brownlee ...John Green 

J. D. Conner...., Daniel H. Bennett 

9— S. T. Powell ..H. H. Neff 

John H. Hough Jacob M. Haines 

10— S. P. Williams D. D. Dickenson 

J. W. Purviance 0. H. Woodworth 

11 — Aaron Gurney Oliver H. P. Bailey 

C. G. Powell W. H. Butterworth 



■Republican Ponyention. 



43 



IOWA. 



DELEGATES. 

At Large — Peter Melendy 

G. M. Dodge 

J. A. Williamson. 
J. M. Hedrick 

Dist. 1— Seth Craig... 

Joshua Tracy 

2— J. C. Polley 

J. McKean 

3— A. J. Felt 

J. II. East on 

4 — N. B. Vinyard 

A. J. Pope 

5— E. H. Sears 

E. T. Smith 

7— B. A. Smith 

L. M. Holt 



ALTERNATES. 



KANSAS. 



C. W. Bahcock 

Benjamin F. Simpson. 

John A. Martin 

S. S Prouty 

N. A. Adams 

Louis Weil 



44 Proceedings of the 



KENTUCKY. 



DELEGATES. 

At Large — Joshua F. Speed 

Geo. T. Wood 

Charles Eginton....... 

A. G. Hodges 

Dist. 1— Samuel L. Casy 

Thomas J. Pickett.. 
2—0. P. Johnson 

Walter Evans 

8 — Thomas Crutcher,,,, 

T. W. Campbell 

4 — Marion C. Taylor.... 

R, L. Wintersmith... 
5— John Gill 

John R. English 

6 — Oscar H. Burbridge. 

William Boden. ..,,,.. 
7 — Noah S. Moore 

W. Cassius Goodloe, 
8— J. K. McClary 

Geo. H. Dobyns 

9— R. M. Thomas 

C. J. True 



LOUISIANA. 



Henry C. Warmouth. 
Thomas W. Conway. 

Wm. P. Kellogg 

P. B. S. Pinchback.. 

I. Hale Sypher 

John R. Clay........... 

W. R. Fish..,,,,,,,.,,, 
W. G. McConnell..,,, 

.Cyrus Bussey 

Sam. H. Houston 

A. L. Lee 

A. J. Sypher 

Geo. C. Benham 

C.W. Lowell,.....,.,. 



Republican Ponyention. 45 



MAINE. 

DELEGATES. ALTERNATES. 

At Large — Wm. McArthur 

Thos. A. D. Fessenden 

Harris M. Plaistecl 

Eugene Hale 

Dist. 1 — Geo. F. Shepley Neal Dow- 
Mark F. Wentworth E. H. Banks 

2— Geo. F. Beal 

Luther Curtiss 

3 — Stephen D. Lindsey .' Sullivan Lathrop 

Wales Hubbard Edwin Flye 

4 — Lewis Barker Samuel H. Blake 

C. H. B. Woodbury Ezra C. Brett 

5 — W. P. Harriman John D. Rust 

Ignatius Sargent Chas. B. Paine 



MARYLAND. 



At Large — J. A. J. Cresswell.... 

John L. Thomas, Jr. 

Charles C. Fulton.... 

E. F. Anderson 

Dist. 1— W. D. Burchinal 

Samuel Graham 

2 — H. Richardson 

J. H. Longnecker.... 
3 — A. W. Dennison 

Henry Stockbridge.. 
4_G. W. Z. Black 

Caleb Douty 

5 — Francis Miller 

George W. Sands.... 



46 Proceedings of the 



MASSACHUSETTS. 



DELEGATES. 

At Large — Wm. Claflin 

F. W. Bird 

Geo. B. Loring 

Henry Alexander, Jr. 

Dist. 1 — Charles P. Stiekney... 

Silas Soule 

2 — Henry L. Pierce 

Henry B. Wkeelright. 
3— E. W. Kingsley 

A. W. Beard 

4 — E. Howe ., 

Thomas Russell 

5— R. G. Usher 

E. F. Stone 

6— Wm. A. Russell 

D. W. Gooch 

7 — Geo. F. Richardson.... 

E. F. Waters 

8_W. W. Rice 

Geo. W. Johnson 

9— A. R. Field 

D. H. Merriam 

10— R. D. Briggs 

W. M. Walker 



JR.EPUBLICAN PONYENTION, 47 



MICHIGAN. 

DELEGATES. ALTERNATES. 

At Large — Wm. A. Howard Giles Hubbard 

Hampton Rich Elias Merrill 

Marsh Giddings .' I. G. Wait 

Randolph Strickland D. H. Jerome 

Dist. 1 — R. R. Beecher J. G. Hathaway 

Henry Waldron A. P. Sullivan 

2_W. B. Williams N. H. Bitely 

E. J, Bonnie C. W. Clisbee 

3— S. M. Cutcheon S. S. Lacey 

J. W. Longyear C. Hosford 

4 — Morgan Bates S. Foote 

Geo. G. Briggs C. W. Deane 

5.— I. H. Bingham W. H. Hartsuff 

J. Divine W. Jennings 

6 — John H. Richardson Jno. N. Ingersoll 

Jos. W. Edwards Luther Weston 



MINNESOTA. 



At Large — J. B. Wakefield.. 
C. C. Andrews.. 

A. H. Butler 

H. P. Van Cleve. 

Dist. 1— J. C. Rudolph.... 

Jesse Ames 

2— W. W. Scott 

R. N. McLaren., 



48 Proceedings op the 



MISSISSIPPI. 



DELEGATES. ALTERNATES. 

At Large— D. McA. Williams 

A. C. Fiske 

Jefferson L. Wofford 

Thomas L. White 



Dist. 1 — A. R. Howe 

A. W. Pattersen 

2— R. M. Tindale 

J. R. Smith 

3 — Jared Richardson.... 

Henry W. Warren.. 
4— Thomas W. Stringer. 

A. Warner 

5— Thaddeus P. Sears.. 

Carlos Chapman 



MISSOURI. 

At Large — Carl Schurz J. J. Gravelly 

Tho. C. Fletcher Charlton H. Howe 

A. J. Harlan J. H. Chase 

R. T. Van Horn Thos. Bruere 

Dist. 1 — Thos. J. Dailey Wm. M. Grosvenor 

Weston Flint John McFall 

2— F. W. Cronenboldt John S. Cavender 

J. W. Owens Elijah Perry 

3 — Geo. C. Thilenius Antone Hunt 

Geo. A. Moser S. S. Price 

4— Geo. L. Childress J. C. S. Colby 

J. H. Creighton Geo. D. Orner 

5— S. S. Rurdett J. F. Hume 

R. C. Learning Joseph A. Eppstein 

6— P. R. Dolman J. B. Waters 

J. H. Rickards J. P. St. John 

7 — David Bonham Ira C. Busick 

J. F. Asper . J. H. Hammond 

8_A. W. Mullins A. H. Linder 

Hiram M. Hiller Joseph R. Winchell 

9— D. P. Dyer '. G. Galloway 

John C. Orrick... Dan M. Draper 



Republican Ponyention. 49 



MONTANA. 

DELEGATES. ALTERNATES. 

Wilber F. Sanders James Gibson 

Wm. H. Claggett Willson 

Geo. M. Pinney Isaac D. Huntoon 



NEBRASKA. 

Silas A. Strickland John Ritchie 

Alvin Saunders Elam Clark 

P. B. Stevenson A. J. Harding 

R. TV. Pumas P. J. Majors 

L. Gerard S. C. Smith 

Sam'l. Maxwell , J. G. Miller 



NEVADA. 



Clias. E. De Lone 

G. N. Collins 

Lewis Hyntman . . 

H. H. Beck 

J. M. Walker 

0. R. Leonard... 



50 Proceedings of the 



NEW HAMPSHIRE. 

BEL20I-ATES. ALTERNATES. 

At Large — Wm. E. Chandler D. H. Buffum 

E. M. Topliff B. F. Whidden 

J. H. Bailey Henry McFarland 

C. S. Faulkner Peter Kimball 

Dist. 1— J. E. Bickford A. C. Currier 

Ezra Gould Wm. N. Blair 

2— James F. Briggs Thos. B. Wattles 

Francis B. Ayer Geo. W. Estabrook 

3— Edward Vaughn W. W. Russell, Jr 

Thos. P. Cheney E. W. Farr 



NEW JERSEY. 



At Large — John S. Irick 

John I. Blair 

George T. Cobb 

Cortlandt Parker .., 

Dist. 1— W. E. Potter 

John W. Hazleton . 
2— Robt. C. Bellville... 

Jarvis H. Bartlett. 
3— Chas. A. Skillman.. 

John Davidson 

4 — Edward A. Walton. 

James Nightingale. 
5 — James Gopsill 

Cornelius Walsh.... 



Republican Ponyention. 51 



NEW YOEK. 

DELEGATES. ALTERNATES. 

At Large*— Daniel E. Sickles John E. Williams 

Lyman Tremain Gilbert Robertson, Jr 

Charles Andrews ..William W. Campbell 

D. D. S. Brown John Allen, Jr 

Dist. 1— Alfred Wagstaff, Jr Albert 0. Wilcox 

L. Bradford Prince Samuel Smith 

2 — Charles W. Godard James A. Van Brunt 

Arch'd M. Bliss William H. Burleigh 

3 — Joshua M. Van Cott A. B. Hodges 

J. Reeve Charles J. Lowrie 

4 — F. J. Fithian James Winterbotton 

Joshua G. Abbe Nathan Kingsley, Sr 

5 — Moses H. Grinnell Joseph F. Ellery 

E. D. Culver Thomas Mulligan.. 

6 — Charles S. Spencer Jacob L. Dodge 

John D. Lawson George F. Merklee 

7 — John Cochrane Stephen H. Knapp 

W. T. Ashman Simon Hazleton 

8 — W. R. Stewart E. Harrison Reed 

John D. Ottiwell John Webber 

9 — James W. Culver Jotham Wilson, Sr 

Charles H. Cooper , Wilson Berryman 

10-H. D. Robertson : J. F. Hall 

C. M. Depew Charles J. Gillis 

11 — George Clark Halsted Sweet 

H. R. Low John Waller, Jr 

12— B. Piatt Carpenter H. G. Eastman 

Jacob W. Hoysradt Ezra Waterbury 

13— George H. Sharp Jacob Lefever 

Rufus H. King . John B. Bronk 

14 — Hamilton Harris William G. Weed 

Borden H. Mills Weidman Dominick 

15 — Robert M. Hasbrouck Joseph F. Battershall 

Alex. Barclay ...Joseph Potter 

16— William W. Rockwell Robert Waddell 

Eli W. Rogers Wm. E. Calkins 

17_Calvin T. Hulburd William C. Brown 

William Gillis Henry A. Paddock 

18 — Truman G. Younglove Charles Stanford 

Seymour Sexton Abram Hoffman 

19— E. Blakely Matthew Griffin 

Lewis Kingsley Frederick Juliand 

20 — William Dewey James Feeter 



52 Proceedings of the 



NEW YOEK— Concluded. 

DELEGATES. ALTERNATES. 

E. B. Livingston Allen Campbell 

21— Ellis H. Roberts Charles M. Scholefield 

George B. Anderson Patrick C. Costello 

22— Benj. E. Bowen J. W. Merchant 

Deloss W. Cameron John H. Mann 

23 — Frank Hiscock E. Harmon 

R. Holland Duell David Hibbard 

24— John S. Fowler T. G. Yoemans 

A. D. Baker Simeon Holton 

25 — Peter S. Bonesteel Geo. B. Dusenbury 

Isaac L. Endrees ,.W. H. Kelsey 

26— J'. W. Dwight Alonzo B. Cornell 

Thomas I. Chatfield William Smyth 

27 — Stephen T. Hoyt Charles D. Robinson 

Luther Caldwell John H. Butler 

28— E. L. Pitts John Berry 

A. C. Wilder * Daniel Kingsley 

29 — John Fisher James Low 

Andrew W. Brazee Thomas Corlett 

30 — L. K. Bass Isaac Holloway 

Fred H. James Seth Fenner 

31 — George Barker C. L. Norton 

Patrick H. Jones H. Van Aernam 



NORTH CAROLINA. 



At Large — Alfred Dockery . 

W. R. Myers 

L. G. Estes 

Dist. 1— E. W. Jones 

2 — Hiram Potter, Jr. 

3— F. F. French 

4— Jos. W. Holden . 

Jas. H. Harris... 
5 — C. H. Carpenter.. 
6— J. B. Cook 

C. J. Cowles 

7_T. F, Lee 



JlEPUBLICAN pONYENTION. 53 



OHIO. 

DELEGATES. ALTERNATES. 

At Large— F. Hassaurek ■ 

John C. Lee L. J. Critchfield 

W. B. Castle ....Jacob Brinkerhoff 

James Scott V. B. Horton 

Dist. 1 — W. Stonis G eorge Crist 

J. W. Sands ; E. C. Williams 

2—Thos. L. Young F. W. Moore 

Henry Kessler H. G. Kennett 

3—0. C. Maxwell Seth Haynes 

N. C. McFarland Felix Marsh 

4 — L. H. Long Judge Carey 

Horace Coleman Samuel V. Taylor 

5—0. T. Locke Chas. M, Kurtz 

L. T. Hunt I. D. Clark 

6— S. Hemphill T. F. Sniffin 

Geo. W. Hulick W. B, Smith 

7 — Coates Kinney J. B. Stine 

James S. Goode J. M. Fuson 

8— Thos. C. Jones A. E. Lee 

H. C. Godman W. G. Beatty 

9 — Fred. Wickman J. G. Bobertson 

A. B. Nettleton J. S. Yerk 

10— Asher Cook 0. Watters 

Horace Sessions A. B. Ainger 

11— John Campbell S. P. Brake 

John Ellison Simeon Nash 

12— Geo. W. Gregg YV. S. Jones 

T. W. Beach John L. Sheridan 

13— John A. Sinnett T. W. Collier 

Israel Green C. B. Caldwell 

14— A. S. McClure W. C. Beer 

Jno. H. Boynton N. H. Bostwick 

15— F. W. Wood A. W. McCormick 

Cyrus Grant J. M. Bana 

16— B. B. Cowen , J. D. Taylor 

E. Burnet A. Simmons 

17— J. C. Hostetter Josiah Thompson 

J. F. Olivers J. Bunbar 

18 — S. S. Osborne W. Meyer 

B, P. Spalding D. H. Brinkerhoff 

19— H. B. Perkins J. X. Hathaway 

J. N. Hathaway Joseph Bruff 



54 



Proceedings of the 



OREGON. 



DELEGATES. 

R. MaUory 

H. W. Corbett 

H. R. Kincaid ... 
L. S. Thompson... 

J. R. Failing 

Maxwell Ramsey. 



ALTERNATES. 



PENNSYLVANIA. 



At Large — John W. Forney 

James IT. Orne 

Thomas E. Cochrane. 

A. R, McClure 

E. Read Myer 

J. W. Elanchard 

Tim. Bartholomew... 
Gen'l. Win. Tilly 

Dist. 1 — Benj. L. Berry 

Jas. T. Gillingham... 
2 — John U. Houseman.. 

Daniel B. Beitler 

3— Alexr. M. Fox 

Daniel P. Ray 

4._Wm. U. Remble 

Benj. U. Brown 

5 — Alfred Harmer 

Mahlon Tardley 

G — Saml. McHose 

Win. R. Ritterhouse. 
7 — J. Smith Futtrey 

Saml. B. Thomas 

8— George S. Erbert 

William M. Baird.... 
o_j. W . Fisher 

R. L. Houston 

10— T. T. Wortt 

J. G. Frick 



Republican Ponyention. 55 



PENNSYLVANIA — Concluded. 

DELEGATES. ALTERNATES. 

11— Saml. E. Dimmick 

Wm. H. Armstrong 

12— Henry M. Hoyt 

"Wm. H. Jessup 

13— E. 0. Goodrich 

A. F. Russell , 

14 — J. G. Bornherger 

Franklin Bound 

J. D. Cameron 

A. R. Fisk 

15 — Kirk Haines 

HugkW. McCall 

16 — John Cessna 

E. G. Fahnestock 

17— E. Roberts 

T. F. McCoy 

18 — Saml. Linn 

Henry Williams 

19 — Henry Souther 

Harrison Allen 

20— Saml. Wilson 

P. R. Gray. 

21-Danl. S. Porter 

J. R. McAfee 

22— J. R. Morehead 

A. M. Brown 

23— John M. Thompson 

John V. Painter 

S. A. Purviance 

24 — John C. Flenrichen 

James R. Kelly 



56 f 



ROCEEDINGS OF THE 



RHODE ISLAND. 

DELEGATES. ~ ALTERNATES. 

At Large — James D. W. Perry 

Lyman B. Frieze 

Rowland G. Hazard 

James W. Pendleton 

Dist. 1 — Charles C. Yan Zandt... 

Ly sander Flagg 

2— William Ii. Reynolds 

William Green , 



SOUTH CAROLINA. 

B. F. Whittemore Robert Small 

H. E. Hayne Gilbert Pillsbury 

J. H. Jencks T. H. Rainey 

J. P. McEpping S. A. Swails 

B. 0. Duncan T. T. Coghlan 

Wm. E. Rose T. K. Tilson 

Carlos T. Stolbrand W. J. McKinlay 

T. W. Lewis R. B. Elliott 

M. R. Fory J. H. Allen 

E. Frask Wm. B. Johnson.. 

Thomas Talbot J. N. Newell 

Cadwallader Carn H. L. Shrewsbury 

,. _ . D. T. H. Nagle 



Republican Ponyention. 57 



TENNESSEE. 

DELEGATES. ALTERNATES. 

At Large — Win. B. Stokes S. B. Brown 

T. A. Hamilton R. Hough 

F. S. Richards J. A. Maberry 

Thos. H. Pearne Moses Hopkins 

Dist. 1— C. H. McKinney A. P. Curry 

S. A. Bovell A. S. Chadbourne 

2— L. C. Houk N. E. Cobleigh 

R. P. Eaton J. A. Hyden 

3— A. G. Sharp A. S. Bradley 

W. L. Woodcock A. J. White 

4— W. Y. Elliott." A. G. Sandford 

Wm, Bosson Guy W. Wines 

5— T. McKinley R, McP. Smith 

Abram Smith H. H. Thomas 

6— S. M. Arnell Geo. W. Simpson 

J. Jay Buck Clay Newland 

7 — Isaac R. Hawkins J. W. Purviance 

0. F. Brown J. J. Sears 

8 — Barbour Lewis H. E. Hudson 

J. L. Winfield Harry S. Lee 

Dist. at Large — Wm. J. Smith 

John B. Rogers 



TEXAS. 



A. J. Hamilton 

Geo. W. Paschal.... 

C. N. Riottet 

Oscar F. Hunsaker. 

W. E. Home 

G. T. Ruby 

Robt. K. Smith 

A. H. Longley 

S. D. Wood 

Byron Porter 



58 Proceedings of the 



VERMONT. 

DELEGATES. * ALTERNATES. 

At Large— T. W. Park Jas. K. Hyde 

G. J. Stannard Jed. P. Ladd 

L. Baker Geo. N. Dale 

S. E. Pingree H. Carpenter 

Dist. 1— W. Y. W. Ripley Chas. Field 

G. C. Shepard Win. H. Nash 

2-Wm. H. Johnson F. Tyler 

J. C. Stearns J. Atkinson 

3-D. R. Bailey J. A. Shedd 

W. W. Grout Powers 



VIRGINIA. 



At Large — John Hauxhurst 

Lysander Hill 

Dist. 1 — Henry A. Pierce 

Stephen R. Harrington. 
2 — John Burke 



8- 



4— Fred. M. Kimball.. 

Sanford Dodge 

5 — Edgar Allan 

6 

7— John M. Thacher.. 

Thomas L. Tullock. 
8— George S. Smith.... 

Minor Goodell 



•Republican Ponyention. 59 



WEST VIRGINIA. 

*' DELEGATES. ALTERNATES. 

At Large — John R. Hubbard 

Ellery R. Hall 

Daniel D. T. Farnsworth 

Henry C. McWhorter 

Dist. 1 — Samuel D. Karnes John A. Hutchinson 

Francis P. Pierpoint R. S. Northcott 

2— Joseph T. Hoke W. M. Welch 

Leonard B. Perry R. W. Blue 

3— Cyrus Newlin G. Slack 

Thomas Baggess R. S. Brown 



WISCONSIN. 

At Large — Edward Salomon F. C. Winkler 

Horace Rublee R. B. Anderson 

E. H. Galloway Orrin Hatch 

Henry Baetz Isaac Stephenson 

Dist. 1—0. S. Head A. Van Wyck 

N. M. Littlejohn S. Pratt 

2— A. J. Turner A. Holley 

L. B. Caswell S. J. Conklin 

3—0. B. Thomas J. G. Clark 

Jas. Bintliff D. L. Downs 

4 — A. Scott Sloan M. Burnham 

Geo. S. Graves Geo. F. Wheeler 

5 — E. L. Browne A. Nash 

D. C. Ayers G. H. Myers 

6— Chas. Seymour T. C. Pound 

W. J. Kershaw S. H. Alban 



60 Proceedings of the 

The question being on the adoption of the report, the motion 
prevailed. 

Mr. Sands, of Maryland — I desire to say that, now that Maryland has been 
admitted to the Convention, she desires the names of those whom she has chosen as 
officers to go upon the roll. 

The President — Are they in the hands of the Secretary ? If not, the chair- 
man will please forward them. The Committee on the Order of Business is ready 
to report. 

REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON RULES AND ORDER OF BUSINESS. 

Mr. Barker, of New York, Chairman of the Committee on Order of Business — 
Mr. President, the Committee on Order of Business is ready to report, and I would 
request that the Secretary read the report. 

Mr. Root, of Arkansas, Secretary of the Committee, read the 
report, as follows : 

The Committee on Order of Business respectfully submits the following : 

Rule 1. Upon all subjects before the Convention, the States shall be called in 
alphabetical order. 

Rule 2. Four votes shall be cast by the delegates at large of each State, and 
each Congressional District shall be entitled to two votes. The votes of each dele- 
gation shall be reported by its chairman. 

Rule 3. The report of the Committee on Credentials shall be disposed of before 
the report of the Committee on Platform and Resolutions is acted upon, and the 
report of the Committee on Platform and Resolutions shall be disposed of before 
the Convention proceed to the nomination of candidates for President and Vice 
President. 

Rule 4. In making the nominations for President and Vice President, in no case 
shall the calling of the roll be dispensed with. When it shall appear that any can- 
didate has received the majority of the votes cast, the President of the Convention 
shall announce the question to be, " Shall the nomination of the candidate be made 
unanimous ? " But if no candidate shall have received a majority of the votes, the 
Chair shall direct the vote to be again taken, which shall be repeated until some 
candidate shall have received a majority of the votes cast. 

Rule 5. When a majority of the delegations from any two States shall demand 
that a vote be recorded, the same shall be taken by States, the Secretary calling 
the roll of States in the order heretofore stated. 

Rule 6. In the record of the vote by States,, the vote of each State shall 
be announced by the chairman, and, in case the votes of any State shall be divided, 
the chairman shall announce the number of votes cast for any candidate, or for or 
against any proposition. 

Rule 7. When the previous question shall be demanded by a majority of the 
delegation of any State, and the demand seconded by two or more States, and the 
call sustained by the majority of the Convention, the question shall then be 



Republican Ponyention. 61 



proceeded with and disposed of according to the rules of the House of Representa- 
tives in similar cases. 

Rule 8, No member shall speak more than once upon the same question, nor 
longer than five minutes, without the unanimous consent of the Convention, except 
that delegates presenting the name of a candidate shall be allowed ten minutes to 
present the name of such candidate. 

Rule 9. The* rules of the House of Representatives shall continue to be the 
rules of this Convention so far as they are applicable and not inconsistent with the 
foregoing rules. 

Rule 10. A National Union Executive Committee shall be appointed, to consist 
of one member from each State, Territory and District represented in this Conven- 
tion. The roll shall be called, and the delegation from each State, Territory and 
District shall name, through their chairman, a person to act as a member of such 
committee. Respectfully submitted, 

GEO. BARKER, Chairman. 

L. H. Root, Secretary. 

Mr. Van Zandt, of Rhode Island — Mr. President, I understand, from a member 
of the Committee on Resolutions, that it will be impossible for them to report before 
to-morrow afternoon, probably, and that will necessarily defer the nomination for 
President, and I am led to the opinion, from what I have seen here this afternoon, 
that the Convention is somewhat impatient to proceed to that nomination. I there- 
fore hope, sir, that the Rules may be so far modified as to strike out that portion of 
them providing for the report of the Committee on Platform and Resolutions before 
the nomination of candidates for President and Vice President. And, if the Chair 
will have the kindness to allow the Secretary to refer to it, I will propose, with 
the consent of the Convention, that amendment. 

The President — The Secretary will read the Rule. 

The Secretary read Rule 3 ; as follows : 

" The report of the Committee on Credentials shall be disposed of before the 
report of the Committee on Platform and Resolutions is acted upon, and the report 
of the Committee on Platform and Resolutions shall be disposed of before the Con- 
vention proceed to the nomination of candidates for President and Vice President." 

Mr. Van Zandt, of Rhode Island — I move you, Mr. President, that the section 
be stricken out. [Cries of "No, no."] If the Convention desire to amend my 
motion, of course that motion is in order. I will confine it, however, sir, to the 
Presidency. 

Mr. Thompson, of Indiana (Chairman of the Committee on Resolutions) — I fear, 
sir, that the Convention may be led to act under a misapprehension. I think I am 
authorized to say, sir, as Chairman of the Committee on Resolutions, that you may 
reasonably expect a report from us very early to-morrow morning. There is no 
reason why we should be engaged up till to-morrow afternoon. It is right, there- 
fore, and proper, that you should understand how we stand before we vote on that 
proposition. 

Mr. Bartholomew, of Pennsylvania — Mr. President, I move to amend the motion 
of the gentleman from Rhode Island, by moving that this Convention do now 



62 Proceedings of the 



proceed to the nomination of candidates for the offices of President and Vice 
President of the United States. [Cries of "No, no."] 

Mr. Coles, of North Carolina — I move to lay the motion and the amendment on 
the table. 

The President — The motion of the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Bartho- 
lomew] is out of order. The motion to lay on the table is in order. 

Mr. Cochrane, of New York — I ask for information whether, if the motion to 
lay on the table prevail, it does not carry on the table with it that portion of the 
report to which the amendment of the gentleman refers. 

The President — The Chair understands that it lays the whole subject on the 
table. 

Mr. Van Zandt, of Ehode Island — If I understand, sir, that the committee will 
report early in the morning, I will withdraw my motion. But I understand from 
two gentlemen near me, members of that Committee, that it will be practically 
impossible to for them to do so, and I, therefore, shall insist upon it. 

MOTION TO ADJOURN. 

Mr. , of I move that the Convention now adjourn till 10 o'clock 

to-morrow morning. 

Mr. Cochrane, of New York — I rise to a point of order. 

The motion to adjourn did not prevail. 

Mr. Cochrane, of New York — [not having resumed his seat] — I rise to a point 
of order. Well, it's lost, that's enough. 

The question was put on the adoption of the amendment offered 
by the gentlemen from Rhode Island (Mr. Van Zandt.) The motion 
did not prevail. 

The President — Gentlemen, the rules are before you in their entirety. 

Mr. Van Zandt, of Rhode Island — Another amendment ; I desire, Mr. President, 
to move to strike out the words the "National Union " party, and substitute in 
their stead " National Republican " party. [Cries of " Good."] We fought, sir, 
under that flag for many years. Our brothers, and our sons and our fathers have 
died under it ; we have achieved victory under it ; we elected Abraham Lincoln 
under it, and we buried him under it ; and I hope, sir, that we will not call this a 
National Union party. It means nothing at all. The Union is restored. The 
Union is entire, and our party is, to-day, the National Republican party, and I trust 
the Convention will allow me [applause], although I represent one of the smallest 
States in the Union, and one of a very limited number of electoral votes, to propose 
this, to me, very important and desirable amendment — one, sir, in which I believe 
all the New England States, by the side of the great ocean, will concur, heart 
and soul, and one in which I sincerely hope the great and almost boundless 
West and South will join. I move you that those rules be amended by striking out 
the word "Union" from the "National Union party," and substituting therefor 



Republican Ponyention. 63 

the word " Republican," and I hope it will be done by acclamation, and that no one 
will dissent. 

The President — In the call for this Convention, it is called the " National 
Union Republican Convention." 

Mr. Logan, of Illinois — Mr. President, I move to amend the motion of the gen- 
tleman from Rhode Island (Mr. Van Zandt) so that, instead of striking out the word 
"Union," the word "Republican" be inserted before the word party, so as to stand 
the "National Union Republican" party. 

Mr. Van Zandt, of Rhode Island — I accept the amendment, Mr. President. I 
would accept any amendment that the gentleman offers, even if he wanted to change 
my name. [Applause and Laughter.] I want the word "Republican" in, here. 

The Chairman — It is resolved to so amend. Is that your pleasure ? 

The motion prevailed. 

The President — The question recurs on the adoption of the report of the 
Committee on Rules and Order of Business. 

The motion prevailed. 

ADJOURNMENT. 

Mr. Cochrane, of New York — Mr. President, I move that when this Convention 
do adjourn it adjourns to meet at this place at ten o'clock to-morrow morning. 

[Cries of "Nine, nine, nine."] 

Mr. Cochrane, of New York — At nine, then. 

[Cries of "Ten, ten."] 

Mr. Cochrane, of New York — I am of the opinion that ten is better, and I 
adhere to the original hour. 

The President — It is moved that when this Convention adjourns it meet at ten 
o'clock to-morrow forenoon. Have you any suggestions, or any other time to 
mention ? 

A Delegate — Nine o'clock. 

Several Delegates — "No! no! ten o'clock." "Question! question!" 

The Chairman — Does the gentleman move to amend by making it nine ? 

The Delegate — No, I withdraw it. 

The Chairman — All who are in favor of the motion signify their consent by 
saying "aye." 

The motion prevailed. 

Mr. Cochrane, of New York — I move, sir, that we now adjourn. 

Voices — "No ! no ! " 

The President — Gentlemen, I am requested to announce that the publishers here 
have prepared and furnished a campaign song, the copies of which are here, and 
the delegates may avail themselves of securing a copy. 

A Delegate — I move you, sir, that the Convention do now adjourn. 

A Delegate — I second the motion. 



64 ^Proceedings op the 



The President — It is moved and seconded that the Convention do now adjourn. 

Several Delegates — "No ! no ! Order! order ! " 

A Delegate — I move that some gentleman he invited to sing a song. 

The President — The motion to adjourn until ten o'clock to-morrow is pending. 

Several Delegates — "A song, a song." 

Mr. Cochrane, of New York— I will withdraw my motion in consideration of a 
song. [Laughter.] 

The President — General Cochrane — 

Several Delegates — A song ! A song ! General Logan ! Speech, speech ! 
General Logan ! 

The President — Gentlemen, those who propose to sing, desire me to say that they 
prefer not to sing until after the nomination of General Grant. The significance of 
the request will be seen when you come to look at the song. 

Several Delegates — Logan! Logan! Palmer! Palmer! 

The President — There is no motion before the Convention. 

A Delegate — I move that General Logan he invited to address the Convention. 

A Delegate — I move that the Convention adjourn — and insist upon it. 

The President — Gentlemen, the mover insists upon the motion to adjourn being 
put. All in favor of it will signify their assent by saying "aye." 

The motion prevailed. 

The President — The Convention stands adjourned until to-morrow at ten o'clock. 



SECOND DAY. 

Thursday, May 21, 1868. 
The Convention re-asseinbled, pursuant to adjournment, at 10 a.m. 

The President — The Convention will come to order. Gentlemen are requested 
to take seats. The Rev. Dr. John P. Gulliver, of Chicago, will invoke the Divine 
blessing. 

PRAYER. 

John P. Gulliver, D. D., then offered the following prayer : 

Let us pray ! 

Almighty and Eternal God, humbly and reverently we bow in Thy presence. 
At the opening of this day of deliberation and action we invoke Thine aid. Coming 
up as the representatives of this great people from the North and from the South, 
from the East and from the West, we would, like the great company about Thy 
throne, ascribe honor, and glory, and blessing, and power to our God. 



Republican Ponyention. 65 

Be thou in the midst of this great assembly. Give Thou wisdom to the delibera- 
tions that are now to be instituted. Direct all the measures that are now to be 
adopted. 

Grant Thy special blessing upon that portion of our country which is here 
represented — this great political organization which, through Thy grace, and under 
Thy direction, has been able to accomplish so much for the land, so much for 
humanity, and so much, we trust, for Thee. May we remember, God, where 
our great strength lieth. May we remember that as we have triumphed in the 
past by a regard for the claims of humanity and the great law of right, so we must 
triumph in the future by caring for the interests of man and regarding the glory 
of God. 

And here, this morning, assembled in high council, we desire again to consecrate 
ourselves, and all the influence which is under our control, to the service of our 
God, to the good of our fellow-men and to the promotion of Thy law. 

We recognize Thee, God, as the King Eternal, immortal, invisible, the only 
wise God, high above all kings and potentates, high above all princes and presidents. 
Thy throne and Thy authority is over all. 

We pray for our great country. We pray for those who were once our enemies. 
Lord ! bless them. Lord ! give them a right mind. Lord ! bring them back 
in loving concord into the great nationality of brotherly affection and of united 
action. Remember the downcast and oppressed. Grant them complete and perfect 
deliverance. Remember those who have triumphed in the recent struggle, and 
grant that moderation, and charity, and kindness, may characterize all our councils 
and our measures. 

Now may Thy blessing descend upon us. May Thy wisdom abide in our hearts, 
and may the courage and strength, which God alone can give, be abundantly 
imparted to us, and, as at the opening of these deliberations, so now, in the 
maturity of their progress, enable us to say in the divine words of prayer, which 
our Savior taught us : 

Our Father which art in heaven, hallowed be Thy name. Thy kingdom come. 
Thy will be done in earth, as it is in heaven. Give us this day our daily bread. 
And forgive us our trespasses as we forgive those who trespass against us. And 
lead us not into temptation, but deliver us from evil : For Thine is the kingdom, 
and the power, and the glory, forever. Amen. 



THE UNION LEAGUE RESOLUTIONS. 

The President — Gentlemen of the Convention, I was informed by the Chairman 
on Resolutions, half an hour ago, that they probably would not be able to report 
before eleven o'clock. By the rules, I do not recall any formal business which can 
now be transacted before they report. I await the pleasure of the Convention. 

Mr. Spencer, of New York — I move, sir, that the resolutions of the National 
Council of the Union League of America, which were yesterday presented to 
the Convention, and by the temporary Chairman referred to the Committee on 
Resolutions, take the same direction as the resolutions and proceedings of the 
Soldiers' and Sailors' Convention, and be spread upon our record and made part of 
our proceedings. 

9 



66 Proceedings of the 



I think, sir, that this courtesy we owe to the National Council of the Union 
League of America, to which is due the first Republican ascendancy in the South, 
and upon whose efficiency depends, in a great measure, the success of the Repub- 
lican party in the South at the coming election. [Applause.] If any of the 
Northern States in November next, which were carried by us in 1864, shall fail to 
come up to the requirements of the times, we will supply their places by Radical 
South Carolina. [Applause.] 

The President — Gentlemen, it is moved and seconded that the resolutions of the 
Union League, which were yesterday received by the Convention, and referred to 
the Committee on Resolutions, be taken up and entered upon the record of the Con- 
vention and made part of the proceedings. 

Mr. Conway, of Louisiana — Mr. President, I move that the resolutions be now 
read to the Convention. 

Mr. of Michigan — Mr. President, I rise to make an inquiry. How can 

those resolutions be acted upon by this Convention, until reported back by the Com- 
mittee ? 

The President — The motion was, that they be recalled from the Committee on 
Resolutions. 

Mr. of Michigan — I move you, Mr. President, that the Committee be 

requested to report those resolutions at once back to the Convention. 

Mr. Spencer, of New York — Mr. President, there may be a misapprehension in 
regard to entering those resolutions upon our record. We shall, by entering them 
upon our record, by no means adopt them, but extend an act of courtesy to that 
body by reciting in our proceedings the fact that they sent us such resolutions. 

The President — Does the gentleman make his motion, then, that those resolu- 
tions be recalled from the Committee and entered upon the journal ? 

Mr. Spencer, of New York — Yes, sir, as a part of the proceedings of this Con- 
vention ; it is a matter of fact which has transpired, which ought not to be ignored. 

The President — The motion now stands that those resolutions be recalled from 
the Committee on Resolutions, entered upon the journal, and made a part of these 
proceedings. 

Mr. Conway, of Louisiana — I call for the reading of the resolutions. 

The President — The Secretary will read the resolutions. 



The Secretary then read the following communication and 
resolutions, from a printed copy : 



Chicago, May 20, 1868. 
To the President of the Union National Convention : 

Dear Sir : By direction of the National Council of the Union League of America, 
I have the honor to enclose a copy of resolutions passed by that body, in session in 
this city, and respectfully ask, in accordance with the request of said National 
Council, that they be presented to your Convention. 

I am, very respectfully, yours, 

CHARLES C. LATHROP, of New Jersey, 

Chairman of Committee. 



Republican Ponyention. 67 

RESOLUTIONS 

Adopted by the National Council of America, in session at Chicago, 
May 19, 1868 : 

Resolved, 1. That we deem the Union League of America of vital importance to 
the success of the Republican party, and the maintenance of loyalty, liberty, and 
equal rights in the Union, and urge its being vigorously sustained and reorganized 
in all the States as the right arm of the Union party. 

2. That we pledge the loyal people of the North to uphold, protect, and defend 
the loyal people of the South from injustice, oppression, and assassination, and to 
this end will use all the means in our power, even the resort to arms, if requisite, 
in defence of their right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. 

3. That we would express our high appreciation of the sublime patience, for- 
bearance, and magnanimity of the negroes of the South, and their devotion as 
soldiers throughout the Union, during the war of the rebellion, and of their hearty 
loyalty, zeal, and becoming deportment since, showing that, under all circumstances 
in which they have been placed, they have justified the reposing in their hands the 
highest boon of an American citizen, the ballot, and illustrated the truth that it is 
eminently wise and always safe to act with equity and justice to all men, without 
regard to race or color. 

4. That impartial suffrage is a cardinal principle of the Republican party, and 
should not be abandoned ; and that we urge upon the several States, and upon Con- 
gress, the adoption of such measures as will secure the right of suffrage to every 
American citizen impartially. 

5. That we fully indorse the action of Congress, and consider that the hour is 
passed for hesitation, compromise, and leniency toward those who support and 
defend traitors and endeavor to restore them to power, and that the loyal people of 
the country are unanimous in the sentiment that all who defy and trample under 
foot the acts of Congress for the maintenance of the principles our gallant soldiers 
and sailors fought and died to secure, ought to be hurled from power by the use of 
every loyal and constitutional means devised, and that any, whoever he may be, that 
has been recreant to his duty in securing this, failed to meet the expectations of the 
loyal people of the country, will be marked by men, and will receive the indignation 
and censure he so richly merits, and will be denounced in thunder tones, as an 
unworthy servant, whose place should be filled by a true patriot ; and we especially 
feel called upon to condemn the traitorous conduct of the Senators who disappointed 
the hopes of every loyal heart in the land, in voting for the acquittal of Andrew 
Johnson, whom they knew to be guilty of the crime charged, and deserted their 
country in the hour of its peril ; and we class them with those traitors to their 
party and country, Cowan, Dixon, Doolittle, and Andrew Johnson, with the 
assurance that a traitor's doom awaits them. 

6. That we respectfully recommend to the Union National Convention the 
nomination of that tried soldier, judicious man, and reliable loyalist, U. S. Grant, 
for President, and of an undoubted Republican, and of a proved experienced states- 
man for Vice President. With such men we feel confident of victory, as our cause 
is eminently that of truth, justice, and equal rights, and must be approved of God. 



68 Proceedings op the 



INFORMALITY OBJECTED TO. 

Mr. Jones, of Ohio — Mr. President, is not this a most extraordinary pro- 
ceeding ? We have a rule that every proposition that is submitted to this Conven- 
tion shall be referred to the Committee on Resolutions, without discussion. But here 
is a motion that a resolution, or a series of resolutions that have been referred to 
that Committee, shall be sent for and brought back into this Convention before we 
have allowed the ordinary courtesy to that Committee, of waiting to see what may be 
their judgment upon the merits of the resolutions. Why, sir, if this principle is to 
be sanctioned by this Convention, then every other friend of every other resolution 
that has been referred to the Committee, can make a motion, either that they be 
spread upon the records, or some other motion, and upon the strength of that 
motion, a discussion of the merits of the whole of those resolutions can be gone into 
in this Convention, and thereby the rule of this Convention necessary for the dis- 
patch of business (that these resolutions shall be referred without debate), will be 
rendered useless. 

Why, sir, we do not know but that this Committee will report the very thing 
proposed. We do not know but they will report that these resolutions shall be 
spread upon the journal. We should wait and see; and, in view of this fact, and 
in view of the debate we shall open upon that, and the interminable discussion that 
will come up, upon this question, I move that this whole matter be laid on the table. 

Mr. Cochrane, of New York — I rise, Mr. President, for information. What is 
the state of the resolutions now before the Convention? What is the motion? 

The President — These resolutions were regularly referred to the Committee on 
Resolutions, and a motion is now made that they be recalled from that Committee 
and entered upon the records of the Convention, and made a part of its proceedings. 
It is moved that motion be laid on the table. 

Mr. Cochrane, of New York — I ask for a division of the question; first, upon 
recalling it from the Committee, and then upon its being spread upon the record. 

Mr. Jones, of Ohio — It is not in order. There is a motion to lay on the table. 

The President — The motion to lay on the table is in order. 

The motion to table, prevailed. 

Mr. Spencer, of New York — I move that the resolution just laid on the table be 
now taken from the table. [Cries of "No, no."] 

Mr. Jones, of Ohio — The gentleman is out of order. They are not laid upon the 
table at all. The whole subject is laid upon the table. 

Mr. Spencer, of New York — I am in order, and I propose to give some reasons 
why they should be taken from the table. I move the whole subject be taken from 
the table. [Cheers.] 

Mr. Spalding, of Ohio — The resolutions are not laid upon the table. They are 
not here; they are in possession of the Committee. 

Mr. Jones, of Ohio — The original resolutions are not here ; they are not in the 
house. 

Mr. Spencer, of New York — If I am in order, I propose to give my reasons why 
they should be sent for and acted upon. 



Republican Ponvention. 69 

Mr. Jones, of Ohio — They are not laid upon the table at all. The whole subject 
has been laid on the table. 

The President — Does the gentleman move to reconsider the vote just taken ? 

Mr. Spencer, of New York — I cannot, because I voted in the negative ; but 
when a subject is on the table, I suppose it is within the power of the Convention, 
at any time, to take it from the table, so that we may debate it afresh. I suppose 
the object of laying the matter on the table is to give time for deliberation, and 
that at some other period it may be taken up again ; and if it can be taken from 
the table at any time, it can be taken now. 

Mr. Spalding, of Ohio— Mr. Chairman, I think we have adopted the rules of 
Congress ; if so, it cannot be taken up now. 

The President — I suppose it cannot be taken up until some business has 
intervened. [Applause.] 

Mr. Spencer, of New York — I will wait, then, until some does. [Applause.] 

Mr. Jones, of Ohio — I move that we have a speech from our Americo-German 
friend, Mr. Plassaurek, from Ohio. [Applause and laughter.] 

The President — Will the Convention hear Mr. Hassaurek, from Ohio ? 
[Applause, and voices — "Hassaurek! Hassaurek!"] 

Mr. Hassaurek arose, in response to the invitation, and advanced 
to the platform. 

ADDRESS BY MR. HASSAUREK. 

Mr. Hassaurek, of Ohio — Mr. President, often when I traveled over the 
Equadorian Andes, ascending and descending mountains, in order to pass the 
western branch of the mighty Cordilleras, it happened that hills which I was just 
ascending would obstruct my vision. As I slowly toiled up their steep acclivities, I 
saw nothing beyond or above them. They completely shut out the horizon from my 
view. For the time being, they seemed to me the last boundaries of the world, 
with nothing to come after. But when I had passed them; when I had risen to 
higher and more commanding elevations ; when I had reached the summit of one of 
those huge mountains, which towered around us in their imposing majesty, like the 
waves of the ocean suddenly become stationary; and when I looked down on the 
country from which I had emerged, where were the hills which, but a feAV hours 
before, had seemed to me the ultima thule — the final barrier to all adventurous 
exploration? They had vanished into nothingness in the valleys below. Their 
long chains and ranges looked like garden fences scarcely rising above the plains. 
The valleys between them looked like fields between their enclosures, and no 
barrier, except the distant horizon, shut out the wonderful prospect from my 
enraptured view. 

Gentlemen, we are in the midst of a period of transition. Every period of 
transition has its difficulties, its troubles and its dangers. These difficulties may 
seem insurmountable to the unphilosophical, who can see nothing but the present. 
The weak-minded and the despondent may see nothing beyond them. But when 
we shall have emerged from the lower mountain ranges, when we shall have reached 
the lofty summit to which we are slowly, but steadily, ascending, the hillocks 
below will disappear, and we shall smile at our faint-heartedness, which magnified 



70 Proceedings op the 



difficulties and stood aghast before obstacles which a little patience and perseverance 
easily cleared away. 

I do not shut my eyes to the magnitude of the problem this generation is called 
upon to solve. The task which is to to be performed is not reconstruction, as some 
say. It is regeneration. How shall it be accomplished ? Let us understand the 
subject in question with which we have to deal. There was a South, with slavery 
as the corner-stone of her social and political institutions, with labor looked upon 
as disreputable and unbecoming a gentleman ; her real estate in the hands of a 
few wealthy families, wielding irresistible political influence ; her agriculture 
retrograding, her cities and towns decaying, her industry paralyzed, her commerce 
languishing, her middle and lower classes demoralized by the baleful influence of 
slavery ; men bred up in the belief that they were born to command, and that 
traffic in their fellow creatures was a divine institution ; men who had been taught 
from their earliest childhood that a State had a right to withdraw from the federal 
compact, and that secession was not treason or crime, but the exercise of a 
constitutional privilege. [Confusion and noise in the lobby.] 

Mr. President, I do not believe that this Convention is in humor, now, to hear a 
discourse on the political questions of the day. I was not prepared to make a 
speech, and I do not wish to interfere with the business of the Convention, and 
would rather be excused until that is over. [Cries — "Go on." "Go on."] 

A Delegate — I beg leave to call the attention of the President to the noise in 
the lobby. It is impossible for us to hear the speaker, and that is the cause of the 
dissatisfaction. [Voices — " Go on."] 

A Delegate — Mr. President — 

The President — The Chair calls upon the police and members of the Committee 
of Arrangements, who are about there, to take measures to correct the evil. 

Mr. , of Alabama — I hope the Chair will preserve order, that those here 

who know the eloquent orator may have an opportunity of hearing him, as they 
desire to do. [Applause. Cries of " Good."] 

Mr. Hassaurek — These men now firmly believe that they have been outraged 
and oppressed by the Government. Vast armies have marched and countermarched 
over the South. The torch of war has carried desolation into her very heart. The 
shackles of the slave have been stricken from his limbs, and freedom has been pro- 
claimed as the birthright of every individual breathing the air of our Republic. 
Here, you have two classes. The one educated in the prejudices of privileged aris- 
tocracy, still smarting under the bitterness of defeat and disfranchisement, deprived 
of what they looked upon as their property, reduced to poverty and extremity, 
and ready to fly to arms again at the first favorable opportunity ; unrepentant, 
because not convinced, and characterized by all the wild recklessness and ferocity 
which the demoralizing relation between master and slave must inevitably pro- 
duce. The other class, brought up in ignorance and humiliation, tyrannized and 
oppressed, and enjoying no rights which white men were bound to respect, just 
emerging from a degrading servitude, with crude and undigested notions of freedom, 
and, perhaps, an easy prey to demagogues, but full of gratitude to the Government 
which broke their chains ; overflowing with enthusiastic loyalty to the flag which 
brought them freedom, and determined to defend their new treasure with the arms, 
the use of which they have learned in many a bloody field of battle. [Applause.] 

I admit this is a great problem : To evoke order out of chaos ; to reconcile the 



Republican Ponyention. 71 

hostile elements in the South, while a party in the North are trying its utmost to fan 
the flames of discord, resentment and vindictiveness ; to restore peace; to allay 
prejudices ; to establish security amid scenes of bloodshed and violence ; to direct 
misspent energies into the channels of industry and trade ; to revive business and 
labor amid inveterate aristocratic prejudices ; to re-build an edifice with such a 
predominating quantity of questionable material; and to create prosperity where 
ruin and decay now reign supreme, is, perhaps, the most difficult problem ever 
submitted to the wisdom of mortal men. 

I have heard it said that the southern portion of our country are in want of a 
new Moses, to lead a people unfitted for self-government to and fro in the wilder- 
ness, until the old generation, with its prejudices and vices, has died away, and a 
new generation has sprung up under a different system of society. But, fortu- 
nately, it does not take forty years, in this wonderful country of ours, to bring up 
a new generation. A writer in "Blackwood's Monthly" (a British Tory magazine) 
once said that the Americans have a remarkable, but successful, way of blundering 
through their difficulties. There may be some truth in the assertion. Blunders 
may have been committed in our many attempts to solve a problem, so new, so 
unprecedented, so difficult. But even our blunders have had their lessons, and, 
hence, will contribute to help us through our difficulties. Let us trust to the spirit 
of our institutions ; let us trust to the principles which underlie them ; let us trust 
to the genius of our people ; let us trust to the glorious successes of our past, for 
they are guarantees of a bright and happy future. 

Our first task will be to understand the problem, which I hope we do. The next 
will be to find the proper means of disposing of the question. It strikes me that 
the surest and safest way will be, never to lose sight of first principles. There are 
certain fundamental truths upon which all science of government rests. There are 
certain elementary principles upon which our American system is based. Let these 
truths and principles show us the way. Let them be our cloud by day, and our 
pillar of fire by night, and we shall soon be out of the wilderness and behold the 
land of promise. [Applause.] 

And, first, there must be peace and security. Governments are instituted for 
the protection of life, property and liberty. Their cardinal purpose is security. 
It is self-evident that a sudden transition from slavery to freedom, and such a great 
revolution as the substitution of an entirely different system of society, will be 
accompanied by great commotions ; but the sooner our countrymen in the South 
understand that there must be peace and security, the better it will be for them 
and for the country. There must be no riots, no mobs, no burning of school houses 
and churches, no Ku Klux Klans. A Union man in Georgia or Mississippi, be he 
white or black, must enjoy the same security of person and property that is vouch- 
safed to any rebel who comes to live among us in the North. A Northern merchant 
or traveler must be free to pass through a Southern State with the same degree of 
safety with which a Southern man may travel through Pennsylvania or Ohio. Those 
exhibitions of violence and lawlessness, which have disgraced the South, must 
cease. The same liberty of speech that Southerners may enjoy in the North must 
be enjoyed in the South. This is a fair and a just demand. The establishment of 
peace and security is necessary for the South herself, and for the business and 
prosperity of the whole country. Without it, the South would never recover from 
the effects of the war. Without it, the development of its resources and the revival 



72 Proceedings op the 



of commercial and industrial life would be an impossibility. Without it, the pur- 
poses of government could not be accomplished ; and peace, without it, the South 
would be unfit for, and should not be intrusted with self-government. [Applause.] 

There must be peace and security in the South ; for, in addition to the funda- 
mental obligations of all government, the loyal people of the United States are' 
under a special obligation to protect those who have stood by the cause of the 
country in the hour of need. This obligation is sacred, and cannot be repudiated 
without overwhelming us with everlasting disgrace and infamy. The Union men of 
the South, who risked their all, by their devotion to the old flag ; the negroes of the 
South, who rushed to our rescue, fought under our flag, saved our prisoners from 
starvation, and harbored, fed and piloted our refugees, with a self-sacrificing devo- 
tion which stands without a parallel in the history of mankind, must not be coolly, 
cruelly and heartlessly abandoned to the hatred and vindictiveness of those who 
seek to re-establish slavery in fact, after its abolition in name. [Applause.] 
Hence, while there are no local governments in the South, the former State govern- 
ments have ceased to exist by their rebellion against the United States, it is the 
duty of the Federal Government to provide that security of person and property 
without which government itself would be a sham and a mockery — a mere machine 
of vexation and oppression. We protect our citizens in foreign lands ; why not, 
also, protect them at home ? Hence, if we say there must be peace and security 
in the South, the loyal and intelligent people of the country will indorse this 
demand. 

But how shall peace and security be established and maintained ? It can only 
be done by keeping a party in power which will do it. The power of the Federal 
Government must not be intrusted to the hands of those who have brought all 
these troubles over the country. It must not be intrusted to the hands of those who 
would unbind anarchy and remove all checks and restraints from the southern 
portions of our country, at a time when they most need the protecting care 
of the Federal Government. The power of the nation must not be intrusted to 
the hands of the Democratic party, which is, and always has been, the party of 
lawlessness, turbulence and violence. It must not be intrusted to a party which, 
having been the advocate and defender of slavery, is identified with all its excesses, 
and, by keeping alive the spirit of rebellion and insurrection, shares with Andrew 
Johnson the blame and the responsibility for the present state of affairs in the 
South. The sacred duty of protecting the helpless and defenceless freedmen must 
not be intrusted to the hands of those who are daily preaching hatred of race and 
arousing the mob by appeals to its lowest prejudices and fiercest passions. 
[Applause.] In other words, the wolf must not be made the custodian of the lamb, 
nor must the fox be appointed the protector of the hen-roost. 

In the first place, then, I say, to establish peace and security in the South, it is 
necessary to keep the power of the Government out of the hands of the Democratic 
party. 

In the second place, it is necessary to promote the reconciliation of hostile 
elements by removing, as much as possible, the causes of complaint and irritation ; 
and to do this, we must again recur to first principles. 

To regenerate the South, it is necessary to infuse into its administration a 
principle heretofore unknown to its policy. I mean the principle of "equal 
justice to all." Southern institutions were thoroughly aristocratic. It is necessary 



Republican Ponvention. 73 

to place them on principles of democracy. I mean democracy in its higher 
and nobler sense, and not in its present party signification. Let reconstruction 
be based upon the fundamental idea of American republicanism as announced 
in the Declaration of Independence. I know there are objections urged — grave 
objections — to admitting a certain class of citizens to participation in the exercise 
of political Tights. It is said that, as they have just emerged from a degrading 
and demoralizing state of bondage, they are unfit to be judges of what is necessary 
for, or conducive to, their own welfare. But let me answer these and similar 
objections in the language of Macauley, who expresses, much better than I could 
do, the weakness of the objections to this feature of reconstruction. He says : 

" There is only one cure for the evils which newly-acquired freedom produces, 
and that cure is freedom. When a prisoner first leaves his cell, he cannot bear the 
light of day. He is unable to discriminate color, or to recognize faces ; but the 
remedy is, not to remand him into his dungeon, but to accustom him to the rays of 
the sun. The blaze of truth and liberty may at first dazzle nations which have 
become half blind in the house of bondage; but let them gaze on, and they will 
soon be able to bear it. ******* * Many of the politicians of our 
time are in the habit of laying it down as a self-evident proposition, that no people 
ought to be free till they are fit to use their freedom. The maxim is worthy of the 
fool in the old story, who resolved not to go into the water till he had learned to 
swim. If men are to wait for liberty till they become wise and good in slavery, 
they may, indeed, wait forever." 

Hence, let true democracy be the groundwork of reconstruction. Let there be 
no masters and no slaves, no privileged and no disfranchised classes ; put them all 
on the same broad footing of equality before the law. Let all men have a fair start 
in the race of life. Let no man be without the means of self-protection, and of 
vindicating his own views, feelings or principles. Let there be no rightless class, 
no government without the consent of the governed. Let there be no odious or 
irritating distinctions on the ground of color or opinion. 

The reconstruction laws of Congress have partially fulfilled these requirements. 
But to establish peace, security and reconciliation, all considerations of enlightened 
statesmanship command us to go one step further, and couple universal freedom 
with universal suffrage. [Applause.] The existence of a disfranchised class is 
a source of irritation and disaffection. It is a standing threat and peril to the 
community. It is an impediment to reconciliation, and should be done away with. 
I know that rebellion has committed crimes which neither God nor man can 
forgive, but true statesmanship requires us to rise above the resentments of the 
hour, however just and proper they may be. If you must punish, punish indi- 
viduals, but do not punish a class. All class legislation is odious, and, in this 
case, may become treasonable and dangerous to those by whom, as those against 
whom, it is directed. We want prejudices of color to abate, and hostilities of race 
to wear away in the South, which will never be the case as long as the just 
emancipated field-hand votes, while his former master remains disfranchised. Such 
a state of affairs is big with the seeds of plots, conspiracies, insurrections and 
violence; we want the Southern whites to accept the situation ; *but those that 
are disfranchised never will. This is human nature, and easily accounted for. 
Hence, let them vote — white and black — and become reconciled to each others' 
political rights [applause] ; let the strong arm of the Government maintain the 

10 



74 Proceedings op the 1 



public peace and repress anarchy and violence, thus facilitating the development of 
material prosperity, and the work of regeneration will have begun. The develop- 
ments of material prosperity are important elements of reconstruction. Let peace and 
security be re-established, and the tide of Northern capital and enterprise will 
flow into the South. Her agriculture will revive on a new basis. Her commerce 
will spread and prosper. New towns and villages will arise, while the old ones 
take a new start of improvement, and the ex-rebel, now impoverished and believ- 
ing himself outraged, will suddenly discover that all this change has been for his 
benefit; that he has profited by the abolition of slavery; that his property has 
trebled and quadrupled in value; that new chances and opportunities of enriching 
himself are crowding around him ; and that free labor, after all, is a blessing and 
not an injury. Then it will be that his political views will undergo a change. A 
man's real or supposed interests always have a most powerful influence over his 
opinions — in most cases powerful enough to outweigh abstract considerations of 
right and justice. You cannot make an ex-rebel loyal by disfranchising him; 
but wait till he commences to make money under the new regime, and he will soon 
become reconciled to it. [Applause.] Unfortunately, the South can see nothing 
without ocular demonstrations ; unfortunately, they are a people without political 
or economical foresight, easily misled by appeals to their passions and prejudices. 
The history of the last seven years furnished a number of almost incredible 
instances of their blindness. And they are blind now, when they drive away the 
Northern merchant or mechanic, instead of welcoming him with open arms and 
thanking him for offering to promote their interests by attending to his own. But 
they will not be blind to ocular demonstrations, which are sure to follow a few 
years of peace and order, and of security of person and property. 

0, that they could listen to the voice of reason. It says to them: Gentlemen of 
the South, the material resources of your section of the country are great ; all it 
requires is the repression of your spirit of violence. Let order and security be 
maintained and prosperity is sure to follow. 

But if you let ferocity and destructiveness go unbridled, you may, perhaps, 
escape the vengeance of judicial tribunals, but you are sure to be punished with 
beggary, ruin and starvation. 

Your past experience, gentlemen of the South, ought to warn you against placing 
any dependence on, or listening to, the advice of the worst enemy you ever had — - 
the Democratic party. In the legends of the middle ages, the devil secured wealth 
and success to those with whom he had entered into compacts, but it was at the 
final expense of their lives and souls. The Democratic party has done the bidding 
of the South. It has been a willing instrument in the hands of its Southern masters, 
but the instrument has ruined its master. The devil has enforced the price of 
his services. [Applause.] 

By its misrepresentation of Northern character and sentiment, the Democratic 
party deluded them into secession and rebellion, By its false assurances of a 
coming reaction in the North, the Democratic party caused them to persist in a 
hopeless war. There was a time when submission to the authority of the Union 
would have saved slavery. Had the Confederates, after the preliminary proclama- 
tion of Abraham Lincoln, laid down their arms, they would have been welcomed 
back with joy, and the fatted calf would have been slaughtered for their reception. 
Their " peculiar institution" would have been left untouched ; a reaction of 



JR.EPUBLICAN PONYENTION. 75 

mistaken generosity and reconciliation would have taken place, which, in all 
probability, would have led to the enactment of new guarantees for the maintenance 
and protection of slavery. But, while the Democratic party told the North, "You 
cannot subjugate eight millions of men," it kept alive in the Southern heart a 
steady hope of a Northern reaction against the war. 

There was a time when rebellion, although defeated on the field of battle, might 
have recovered its entire political power. The fourteenth constitutional amend- 
ment would have marked no social or political change. It would have left the 
political balance of power where it was before the war. It did not ordain negro 
suffrage or military reconstruction. Had it been accepted by the South, delega- 
tions elected by rebel votes would have taken their seats in Congress, and men fresh 
from the rebel armies would have been elected to govern unreconstructed rebel 
States. Future history will look with amazement on the almost incredible blindness 
with which the South refused to avail herself of the opportunity to recover — with 
the exception of the name of slavery — everything else she had lost. 

But she listened to the pernicious advice of the Democratic party and Andrew 
Johnson, and allowed the favorable opportunity to pass away. It was the greatest 
blunder ever committed by a political party since the days when God hardened 
the heart of Pharaoh, in order to effect the liberation of Israel. But the 
Democratic party is ready to inflict further ruin and misery on the unfortunate 
nation. It has plunged the South in a war of secession and rebellion ; it will next 
plunge it into a war of races. Its unceasing labors are directed to the bringing 
about of such a horrible calamity. It fans, indefatigably, the flames of a most 
barbarous hatred of race. It strains every nerve to excite the passions and 
violence of the negro. It cudgels its dull brains to overwhelm him with ridicule 
and abuse. It recognizes no right in him which white men are bound to respect. 
It does not recognize the obligation of the nation to stand by those who have stood 
by the flag when everybody else had deserted it. 

But, gentlemen of the South, you can no longer trample humanity in the dust. 
You cannot re-establish slavery, or its likeness. The negroes will assert their 
freedom. They will not be deprived of their civil rights. They will not surren- 
der political rights they have once enjoyed. Beware, then, of men whom you have 
made brutal and barbarous by making it a crime to teach them to be human. You 
may organize Ku Klux Klans, and assassinate refractory individuals ; but such a 
course is sure to lead to a terrible day of retribution. Why, then, rush on blindly 
to death and destruction ? Why give up your country a second time to misery and 
devastation ? Why not take warning from the past, and discard the ferocious 
promptings and destructive policy of the Democratic party? Four millions of 
human beings, who have once basked in liberty, and whose claim to justice is 
recognized and backed by the moral sentiment of the country, cannot forever be 
outraged with impunity. 

Hence, if listening to the voice of reason, humanity, and your own pecuniary 
interests, you will discard the policy of the Democratic party, curb the spirit of 
ferocity and violence, put an end to the burning of churches and school-houses, and 
establish and maintain peace and security, the negroes will be, not your enemies, 
but your workmen, your field-hands, tradesmen, or mechanics, and a regenerated 
South will arise, Phoenix-like, from the ashes of the past conflagrations. But if, 
heedless of the lessons of the past, you follow the lead and policy of the 



76 Proceedings of the 



Democratic party, there will be no revival of prosperity; bloodshed and violence will 
reign supreme ; the grass will grow on your streets ; crumbling ruins will dot your 
country ; and, in a lava stream of blood and fire, the horrors of San Domingo will 
sweep over the land. Then, when your ruin shall be made complete and irrepar- 
able, by your own blindness and perversity, remorse will increase the bitterness of 
your despair, and your misery will be galled by your recalling, at last, that you have 
nobody but yourselves to blame for the ruin you have wrought. Bear in mind, then, 
that the Democratic party is the cause of all your troubles in the South, as we owe 
to it all the tears and the bereavements which the war has inflicted on the North. 
The ancient Persians believed in two hostile spirits, Abriman and Oromasdes, who 
pervaded the universe and waged eternal war against each other. The one was the 
spirit of good, the other a spirit of evil. In our political system, the Democratic 
party represents the evil spirit. It is the natural advocate of evil. It naturally 
attracts to its organization those that are swayed by prejudice or passion. It is a 
dangerous organization, which has cost the country hundreds of thousands of lives 
and millions of treasure. It is dangerous because of its recklessness and its for- 
midable discipline. It is dangerous because it commands the unthinking and the 
ignorant, and can change its principles and policy without losing the gross of its 
followers. During the war, it represented the spirit of the middle ages struggling 
against the cause of humanity and modern civilization ; and now, true to its charac- 
ter, it endeavors to cultivate a spirit of bad faith and dishonesty — bad faith to the 
creditor of the nation, and bad faith to those to whom the nation owes security and 
protection. [Cheers.] 

The Republican party may have its imperfections and defects. Nothing is per- 
fect under the sun. It may have committed indiscretions and blunders. Which 
party has not ? It may have fallen into mistakes and errors, and may occasionally 
have succumbed to the temptations of power ; but its principles are good, because 
they are the principles of right and justice. Though some Republican politicians 
may have sinned, the Republican people are well meaning, and represent the intel- 
lect and loyalty of the country. They may administer their own correctives without 
calling upon the enemy to destroy all the good the Republican party has done. Let 
us be reasonable and careful. Any party in power will be exposed to temptations ; 
and men are but men. Let us remember that the Republican party had to deal 
with problems of unprecedented novelty and magnitude, and let us remember, 
above all, that, with all its empiricism in matters of finance of such difficulty as had 
never before demanded the attention and taxed the intellectual resources of the 
American people ; with all the inconsistencies into which it may have allowed 
itself to be beguiled by the wickedness and perversity of a recreant President, 
the Republican party is the only organization with which we can now defeat the 
so-called Democratic party — the representative of violence, turbulence and anarchy, 
the embodiment of injustice, bad faith and passion, the evil spirit of our country. 

No calamity could befall our country more disastrous to its peace, welfare and 
prosperity, than the success of the Democratic party next November. That calamity 
it is our most sacred duty to avert. Men may disagree on a multitude of ques- 
tions, and yet co-operate for a purpose as to which they are agreed. You and I 
may differ about the tariff, banks, the currency, internal improvements, capital 
punishment, and other questions of state or national policy ; each one of us may 
have his own opinions on matters not strictly connected with the great issue ; but 



-Republican Ponyention. 77 

we should all understand that, before we can afford to quarrel on minor topics, the 
main question must be settled ; that the integrity of the country must be firmly 
established before the disorganizer should be re-admitted to power; that the new 
edifice must be placed on imperishable foundations before the destroyer should be 
let in ; that the roof must be put on the fabric of reconstruction, before the door of 
power should be thrown open to those who would not only pervert its completeness, 
but also tear down the walls which we have raised. The peace and tranquility, the 
business and commercial interests of the country ; its future greatness and pros- 
perity ; its obligations of honor, justice and good faith ; its position in the eyes of 
the civilized world — demand that the organization which alone can defeat the Demo- 
cratic party, be put in possession of the executive branch of the Government for the 
next four years. The policy of the Republican party has not had a fair trial since 
the death of Abraham Lincoln. In possession of the legislative power it could 
enact laws, but a hostile executor defeated their interests and purposes, or barely 
complied with the letter of congressional enactments, while he endeavored to 
defeat the spirit. If it had not been for this determined opposition of Andrew 
Johnson, the time of Congress might have been more profitably occupied, and the 
work of reconstruction would now be complete. But, as it is, the great task still 
remains to be accomplished, and it ought to be left in the hands of those who have 
begun it, and with whom alone it will be safe. [Applause.] 

Do not forget that a change of administration would not be a change of individ- 
uals, but a change of principles and system. Do not, therefore, call upon those to 
complete the restoration of the Union who have done their uttermost to destroy it. 
Let not the history of the last seven years be written in vain. Let not the memory 
of our dead be forgotten. Let us not desert the cause for which they have suffered 
and died. Let us not abandon our friends. Let us not carelessly and impiously 
sacrifice the fruits of such a costly war. Let us not give up the building to destruc- 
tion on the verge of its successful completion. Let us place the ship of State 
under the guidance of him who has led the hosts of the Union to victory and glory, 
and he will safely pilot her into the harbor of peace, good will and justice to all 
men. [Applause.] 

One word before I close. I am expected to say something about the national 
debt, and the questions arising out of propositions with regard to the manner and 
time of its payment; questions with which our opponents have succeeded in baffling 
and paralysing thousands, while endeavoring to divide and demoralize us. And 
again I say, as I said in the beginning of my remarks, difficulties that appear insur- 
mountable for the time being, will disappear the moment we apply to them the test 
of first principles, which, I repeat, we should never lose sight of. Nations should 
be guided by the same rules of honesty and good will that regulate the conduct of 
private individuals ; for a nation is but an individual in the great family of nations. 
The same considerations of righteousness that should prevail between man and man, 
should prevail between governments and governments, or between citizens and gov- 
ernments, or governments and foreigners. [Cheers.] 

" Do unto others as you wish others to do unto you." An honest man will per- 
form his obligations. An honest nation will do the same. An honest man will not 
keep his promises to the ear, and break them to the hope, but he will keep them 
according to the letter and the spirit in which they were made. The American 
people, having made such enormous sacrifices to maintain its national integrity, and 



78 Proceedings of the 



to secure the liberty of all its members, will not sully the memory of our war, by 
compromising or tarnishing our national honor. 

And, sir, this debt, burthensome as it may be, will soon cease to be onerous. 
We are on the high road to a prosperity and greatness unparalleled in the history of 
nations. Iron ways of steam communication will soon stretch their arms across the 
continent, uniting the Pacific and Atlantic oceans, and giving birth to a new galaxy 
of empire States. Our resources are boundless. Our mineral wealth is still await- 
ing development. Our Pacific coast is but on the eve of a future wealth more solid 
and durable than the fabulous riches of Golconda. China, Japan, India, and the 
South Sea Islands, will be made tributary to California and Oregon. The flood-gates 
of emigration are still open in Europe, pouring out over our land millions of willing 
hands and stout hearts, adding millions to our prosperity, and trebling and quad- 
rupling our population. Consider what this country will, be in thirty or forty 
years, with a regenerated and prosperous South, with a thriving and enterprising 
North, with a West of gigantic greatness and strength. It will then be child's play 
to pay our great debt. Until then, let us be honest and true. The title of American 
citizen is now a passport and an introduction in the Old World ; let us not become 
a by-word and a reproach abroad, and a source of humiliation and mortification 
at home. Let not the mean and timid be listened to by the great heart of the 
American nation. Let not the name of republicanism and popular self-government 
be synonymous with fraud and dishonesty. Let us not disgrace the cause of demo- 
cratic institutions by an unworthy example. Let monarchies and aristocracies 
have no reason to boast that they are superior to republics in good faith, honesty 
and morality. Let us not make ourselves helpless in case of a foreign war, by under- 
valuing or destroying our own credit by blind and selfish legislation. Let justice 
be our lode-star in this crisis of temptation and difficulties ; and our children, and 
our children's children, will bless the memory of the men who saved the republic 
and the cause of human freedom, in the trying days of '64 and '68. [Applause.] 



MOTION TO NOMINATE. 



Mr. Spalding, of Ohio — It is doubtful when the Committee on Resolutions will 
be able to offer their report, and the Convention is becoming impatient. I move 
you, sir, that the rules be suspended, and that we proceed to nominate Gen. Grant 
for the Presidential chair. [Cries of " No." "No."] 

The President — The motion is before the house, and is to be disposed of by 
the usual vote. 

Mr. , of Tennessee — Mr. President, I move to lay the motion on the 

table. 

Mr. Spalding — I will not put the Convention to that trouble ; I will withdraw 
the motion. ^ 

Mr. ' , of Kentucky — I move you, sir, in the absence of other business 

before this Convention, that that tried statesman and patriot, Gen. John M. Palmer, 
of the State of Illinois, be invited to address the Convention. [Loud applause.] 



Republican Ponyention. 79 

ADDRESS BY GEN. PALMER. 
The President — Is it your pleasure to hear from Gen. Palmer ? 

The motion unanimously prevailed. 

The President — Gen. Palmer will please advance to the platform. [Applause.] 

Gen. Palmer advanced to the platform. 

The President — Gentlemen, an introduction is unnecessary. [Applause.] 
Mr. Palmer, of Illinois— Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the Republican 
Convention: I must confess that I have attended this Convention to witness, to 
observe, earnest action, without any disposition on my part to contribute to the 
volume of words that usually attend assemblages like this. As you will see, I have 
outlived, in a great measure, the estimate that young men place upon mere speech. 
[Laughter, applause, and cries of "Good."] Years ago, when the great questions 
before the country were matters of argument and deliberation, I endeavored, as 
best I could, to contribute my share to their peaceful solution. In 1861, it was 
resolved by a portion of the people of this country that the problems of the hour 
were to be settled in the most stern and decisive manner. In my way, to the extent 
of the power I possessed, I contributed to the settlement of those problems by arms. 
[Applause.] It seemed to me, at the close of the war, and it seems to me now, that 
the matters in dispute between the different sections of the country were settled 
upon the battle-field ; and all that I have desired since that time is, that the logic 
of the battle-field should be recognized, and the decisions there made should be 
carried into effect. [Applause.] Years ago, in the beginning of the controversy, 
the question was, whether man in all parts of the Republic should be allowed to 
speak. I valued freedom of speech ; not much speech, but freedom of speech. 
[Laughter and applause.] Whilst I demanded no large share of popular attention 
for myself, I did insist that they who loved speaking should be allowed to do it. It 
was denied, not only in the South, but in many districts in the North. At that time 
it was insisted, not only that men should speak as they pleased, and for themselves, 
but that men should speak for themselves and work for themselves. [Applause.] I 
believe that, while every man should be allowed to speak freely, and speak for him- 
self, all men should be allowed to act freely, and act for themselves — that every 
man should be allowed to own himself. He should be allowed to own, not only him- 
self, but to own his own wife and his own children. [Applause. ] 

We submitted that question to the arbitrament of the battle-field, and it has been 
decided by the sword ; and, not only was that great fundamental essential doctrine 
established, but it was also settled as conclusively as any question could be settled, 
that men should not only be free in their own persons, but that they should be alike 
free and alike equal before the law, everywhere, in this great Republic [applause] ; 
and the mission of the Republican party, to day, is not to discuss theories, but to give 
practical effect to the great doctrines established upon the battle-field [applause], 
not for the loyal men alone, not for the North, not for the South, but for men 



80 Proceedings op the 



everywhere in the limits of the Republic ; not for white men, not for red men, not 
for black men, but for all men. [Cries of " That's so," and applause.] 

And we supposed that the voice of the American people, during the progress of the 
war and at the close of the war, seemed to indicate that hereafter there would be no 
difficulty — that these doctrines would be accepted, at least by the Republican party — 
would be accepted by every man — everywhere. Six months ago, what man supposed 
that there remained any further obstructions to the execution of the popular will ? 
What man supposed that we were still to struggle on in vindication of these great 
principles? "We had triumphed during the war — at the Presidential election of 
1864. We had triumphed at the close of the war, in the great conflict of 1866, 
when Andrew Johnson appealed from Congress to the people; and the people of the 
country everywhere reiterated their determination that these great doctrines should 
be, hereafter, American doctrines [cheers] everywhere. The public voice was spo- 
ken in language not to be misunderstood. It was supposed then tnat every man. 
who accepted the name of a Republican recognized these great essential doctrines, 
and that they were hereafter not to be resisted — at least by members of the Repub- 
lican party. ' 

There was but one thing, then, in the pathway of the people. In 1864, by one of 
those wonderful blunders that sometimes seem like a visitation of the Almighty in 
His wrath, we elected Andrew Johnson Vice President. [Cheers.] Thoughtless 
men may characterize it as a blunder, but thoughtful men may well wonder whether 
there was not some political sin concealed — whether what we deemed a mistake, 
was not the judgment of the Almighty inflicted upon the country; and, certainly, 
less than the war itself, no curse could be heavier than the election of Andrew 
Johnson. [Cheers.] In 1866 the distinct issue was presented to the American 
people, whether that " cuss" — as the phrase is — should be removed. 

The people of Illinois — I speak of our own State — by a majority unheard of in our 
history, instructed its representatives upon that question. Iowa spoke out. Kansas 
spoke out. Other States spoke out upon this question. There was no possible room 
for mistaking the will of the people of the country. There was but one way by 
which all the departments of the Government could be brought in harmony. An 
attempt was made to impeach the President; but it has failed. It is not for me to 
speak of the reasons of that failure. It is enough for me, in speaking for the Re- 
publican party, to deplore that result. The removal of Andrew Johnson was 
demanded for the national safety. We may talk about it; we may discuss it as a 
judicial or a political question; but, as a question of common sense, it is that 
Andrew Johnson stood in the way of the peace of the country, and ought to have 
been removed. [Cheers long renewed.] 

Impeachment — [cheers] — impeachment is the substitute of modern civilization 
for old-fashioned resistance and decapitation. That is all there is of it. [Cheers, 
and cries of " Good, good, sir."] In old times, among barbarous people, when the 
ruler stood in the way of the people, they took off his head. In America, under 
the influence of civilization and Christianity, when the ruler stands in the pathway 
of the peace and prosperity of the country, they, by impeachment, take off his 
political head. [Cheers and applause.] Nice, captious questions, borrowed from 
a police court, have no application here. It is enough that the interests of the 
millions of the American people demanded that this obstruction should be taken out 
of the way, and it ought to have been done [cheers; "good!"]; or, to use a 



Republican Ponvention. 81 

lawyer's phrase, Johnson ought to have been indicted. He ought to have been 
charged upon the common counts, and convicted and removed. 

Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention, there remains for us but this 
remedy— I speak of the impeachment as a failure — there is a tribunal that cannot 
be corrupted. 

A Voice— What of Trumbull ? [Cries of "Go on ! Go on ! "] 

Mr. Palmer — I leave that man to that tribunal of which I am about to speak. 
["Good ! good ! "] There is a tribunal that cannot be corrupted. [Cheers.] 

We propose, at this Convention, not to indict men, but we propose to again 
submit these great questions to the American people for their decision. [Cheers. 
"Right, right! "] We expect to summon the old anti-slavery man who has strug- 
gled on amid the storm and the sunshine, amid persecution and success ; the man 
who stood by the flag of freedom, when many of us were still halting by the way. 
We expect to summon him again, and ask him to go again to the ballot-box and 
deposit his vote for the right. [Cheers.] We expect to place at the head of our 
ticket the great Captain who has led the armies of the Republic through the war. 
[Cheers.] And we expect to summon those gallant soldiers who followed him 
down the Mississippi — who were present at the fall of Vicksburg. We expect to 
summon those gallant men who followed the flag as it ascended Missionary Ridge, 
and saw the flight of Bragg and his host. We expect to summon the men who 
marched from Atlanta to the sea'; and, also, those men who so many years struggled 
between Washington and Richmond, and at last saw the rebel flag go down upon 
the Appomattox. [Applause.] 

We expect to summon all these to rally under the flag of the great Captain, and 
we expect, then, a vote which shall place these questions where they will be 
disturbed no more in our history forever. [Cheers.] 

Gentlemen of the Convention, I have said to you that I have no fondness for 
words, for the sake of words. I trust your Committee on Resolutions are prepared 
to report resolutions for your consideration, which shall have no uncertain sound. 
[Cheers and prolonged applause.] Let us make an issue just as clear and as 
distinct as the stars upon the flag. [Cheers.] Let us make it so distinct that in 
this political fight we can do as we did upon the battle-field — that when we saw the 
stars and stripes we knew who was following them — we knew there were friends 
there. Let us have a distinct, clear, well-defined platform. I do not want any 
mistake as to the issues to be decided by this contest. 

And let me implore you, Gentlemen of the Convention — we mean to make Ulysses 
S. Grant President of the United States in 1868 [applause], as you did Abraham 
Lincoln in '64 — and let me beg of you not to offer a continued, perpetual reward 
to the hands of the assassin, that his life may be taken. [Applause.] Let me beg 
that of you. Don't make a man Vice President whose character will offer a temp- 
tation for the assassination of Grant. [Applause and cheers.] Don't do that. 
[Great applause.] We want, him to live out the four years, and, if the country 
demands his services, we desire his re-election. If the country shall then prefer 
some other public man, we wish that he may retire, and live to an old age in the 
enjoyment of the confidence and-affection of his countrymen. And if the Baltimore 
Convention had not made a mistake in '64, Abraham Lincoln would, to-day, have 
been at Washington. [Applause.] Abraham Lincoln would have been at 
Washington, ready, on the 4th day of March, to extend the hand of welcome to 
11 



82 Proceedings of the 



Ulysses S. Grant. [Applause.] That hand is at rest forever! Let us take 
warning by the past; let us place the flag in the hands of none but true, 
well-tried men. 

Gentlemen of the Convention, I am done. [Applause.] Mr. President, I 
thank you and the Convention for your courtesy. [Cheers.] 

WAITING FOR COMMITTEE ON RESOLUTIONS. 

Mb. Cochrane, of New York — Mr. President — 

The President — General Cochrane, of New York, has the floor. 

Mr. Cochrane, of New York — I am informed that a valiant soldier, just from 
the field of fight, is present with us here, to-day. The smoke of the conflict has 
rolled past us, and we would like to have the report of that gallant soldier, of the 
deeds of our army done in the Senate Chamber of the United States. May the 
Convention, sir, hear from Senator Thayer, of Nebraska ? [Loud applause. Cries 
of "Thayer! Thayer!"] 

The President — Will Senator Thayer advance to the platform? 

A Voice — He has gone out. 

[Cries of " Depew," "Cochrane," "Logan," "Tremain," and "Thayer."] 

The President — I am informed that Senator Thayer is not in the house. 

Cries of " Logan ! Logan !" 

The President — Gentlemen ! Order ! 

Mr. of Louisiana— Mr. President: In the storm of rebellion that has 

passed over this country, we had among us, in the Southern States, a gentleman 
whose voice, in defence of the Union, was often heard high above the storm ; and his 
name is Gov. Hamilton, of Texas. [Loud applause, and cries for " Hamilton."] 

The President — I am informed that Senator Thayer is here. 

[Cries for "Thayer," "Hamilton," "Logan."] 

Mr. of Louisiana — It is the desire of Gov. Hamilton that he should be 

excused from addressing the House to day. He is not well, and offers his apology on 
that ground. 

[Cries— "Thayer! Thayer!" "Cochrane! Cochrane!"] 

The President — Gentlemen, let us have order for a moment ; order! Is Sena- 
tor Thayer coming to the platform ? 

[Cries — "He is coming." "Thayer," "Logan," "Sickles," "Tremain," 
"Depew."] 

The Band played the " Star Spangled Banner." 

The President — I understand that Senator Thayer declines to address the 
Convention. 

[Cries — "Logan!" "Logan!" "Logan!"] 

Mr. from North Carolina — I move sir, that Mr. Harris, of North Carolina, 

an able and eloquent speaker, and a man whose services have contributed greatly 
towards the success of the Republican party in that and other Southern States, be 
invited to address the Convention, 

Cries — " Logan V* " Harris !" 



Republican Ponyention 83 

Mr. Van Zandt, of Rhode Island — I move you, sir, that Gen. Logan be invited to 
address this Convention. I offered to change my name for him, yesterday. Let us 
have him! 

The President — It is moved that Gen. John A. Logan be called upon to address 
the Convention. 



The motion prevailed. 

Mr. Logan, of Illinois — Mr. President, I must most respectfully decline to 
address this Convention at this time. I would desire to do so, if I felt able to respond 
to the call properly. Nothing would give me greater pleasure ; but I hope the 
Convention will excuse me at the present time from so doing. I certainly have good 
reason for declining the call of the Convention. 

Mr. of Pennsylvania — I move you that Gen. Sickles, of New York, be 

invited to address the Convention. [Three Cheers.] 

The President — It is moved that Gen. Sickles be invited to address the 
Convention. 



The motion prevailed. 



Mr. Cochrane, of New York — Mr. President, Mr. Sickles would very cheerfully 
address the Convention, were he present. I am sorry to say he is absent. [Laughter.] 

[Cries — " Cochrane !" " Cochrane !"] 

The President — There is no motion before the Convention. 

Mr. , of Kentucky — I move you, sir, that in the absence of business 

before the Convention, Hon. Lyman Tremain be invited to address the Convention. 

The President — The Convention calls for Hon. Lyman Tremain. 

A Voice — He is not in the house. 



The band played " Hail Columbia," and " Columbia, the Gem of 
the Ocean." 



Mr. Logan, of Illinois — Mr. President, I will make a suggestion to the Conven- 
tion, sir, if permitted. Inasmuch as I declined to address the Convention — I have 
reasons for it — I would suggest General John Cochrane— [" Good, good." " Cochrane, 
Cochrane "] — be invited to address the Convention during the time that we are 
waiting. [Cries, "Cochrane!" Great applause.] 

The President — Gen. Cochrane will take the platform. [Loud cheers.] 

Mr. Cochrane, of New York — We are men of action, not of words. Your Com- 
mittee has made its appearance. You will permit me to return my thanks for your 
complimentary invitation, and to retire. [Applause.] 

The President — Gentlemen of the Convention, come to order. I recognize Mr. 
Thompson, Chairman of the Committee on Resolutions. 



84 ^Proceedings of the 



REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON RESOLUTIONS. 

Mr. Thompson, of Indiana — Mr. President, the Committee on Resolutions is ready 
to report, through its Chairman. '[Voices, "Let us hear it." "Take the platform."] 
The Committee to whom the subject of preparing resolutions for this Convention 
was referred, have instructed me to submit to the Convention the following 
report : 

The National Union Republican party of the United States, assembled in National 
Convention, in the city of Chicago, on the 20th day of May, 1868, make the follow- 
ing declaration of principles : 

First — We congratulate the country on the assured success of the reconstruction 
policy of Congress [applause], as evinced by the adoption, in a majority of the 
States lately in rebellion, of constitutions securing equal civil and political rights to 
all, and regard it as the duty of the Government to sustain those constitutions, and 
to prevent the people of such States from being remitted to a state of anarchy or 
military rule. [Loud applause.] 

Second — The guarantee by Congress of equal suffrage to all loyal men at the 
South was demanded by every consideration of public safety, of gratitude, and 
of justice, and must be maintained [applause] ; while the question of suffrage 
in all the loyal States properly belongs to the people of those States. [Loud 
applause.] 

Third — We denounce all forms of repudiation as a national crime ; and national 
honor requires the payment of the public indebtedness in the utmost good faith to 
all creditors at home and abroad, not only according to the letter, but the spirit of 
the laws under which it was contracted. [Great applause.] 

Fourth — It is due to the labor of the nation, that taxation should be equalized 
and reduced as rapidly as national faith will permit. [Great applause.] 

Fifth — The National Debt, contracted as it has been for the preservation of the 
Union for all time to come, should be extended over a fair period for redemption, 
and it is the duty of Congress to reduce the rate of interest thereon whenever it 
can honestly be done. [Loud cheers.] 

Sixth — That the best policy to diminish our burden of debt, is to so improve our 
credit that capitalists will seek to loan us money at lower rates of interest than we 
now pay, and must continue to pay so long as repudiation, partial or total, open or 
covert, is threatened or suspected. [Great applause.] 

Seventh — The Government of the United States should be administered with the 
strictest economy ; and the corruptions which have been so shamefully nursed and 
fostered by Andrew Johnson call loudly for radical reform. [Cheers.] 

Eighth — We profoundly deplore the untimely and tragic death of Abraham Lin- 
coln, and regret the accession of Andrew Johnson to the Presidency [cheers], who 



Republican Ponyention. 85 

has acted treacherously to the people who elected him and the cause he was pledged 
to support ; has usurped high legislative and judicial functions ; has refused to 
execute the laws ; has used his high office to induce other officers to ignore and 
violate the laws ; has employed his executive powers to render insecure the 
property, peace, liberty, and life of the citizen ; has abused the pardoning power ; 
has denounced the National Legislature as unconstitutional ; has persistently and 
corruptly resisted, by every means in his power, every proper attempt at the 
reconstruction of the States lately in rebellion ; has perverted the public patronage 
into an engine of wholesale corruption ; and has been justly impeached for high 
crimes and misdemeanors [good! good! cheers], and properly pronounced guilty 
thereof by the votes of thirty-five Senators. [Prolonged applause.] 

Ninth— The doctrine of Great Britain and other European powers, that because 
a man is once a subject, he is always so, must be resisted, at every hazard, by the 
United States, as a relic of the feudal times, not authorized by the law of nations, 
and at war with our national honor and independence. Naturalized citizens are 
entitled to be protected in all their rights of citizenship, as though they were native 
born ; and no citizen of the United States, native or naturalized, must be liable to 
3?rest and imprisonment by any foreign power, for acts done or words spoken in 
this country ; and, if so arrested and imprisoned, it is the duty of the Government 
to interfere in his behalf. 

Tenth — Of all who were faithful in the trials of the late war, there were none 
entitled to more especial honor than the brave soldiers and seamen who endured 
the hardships of campaign and cruise, and imperiled their lives in the service of 
the country. The bounties and pensions provided by law for these brave defenders 
of the nation, are obligations never to be forgotten. [Cheers.] The widows and 
orphans of the gallant dead are the wards of the people — a sacred legacy be- 
queathed to the nation's protecting care. [Applause.] 

Eleventh — Foreign emigration, which, in the past, has added so much to the 
wealth, development of resources and increase of power to this nation — the asylum 
of the oppressed of all nations — should be fostered and encouraged by a liberal and 
just policy. 

Twelfth — This Convention declares its sympathy with all the oppressed people 
which are struggling for their rights. [Cheers.] 

ADOPTION OF THE REPORT MOA r ED. 

The President— The resolutions are before the Convention. 

Mr. Spencer, of New York— I move, sir, that the report of the Committee be 
adopted. I believe that it evidences great care, and is pre-eminently a wise an'd 
truthful presentation of the articles of faith of the Union Republican party of the 
country, and as the great majority of this Convention is anxious and willing, 



86 ^Proceedings op the 



promptly, in my judgment, to vote upon the platform, and as a discussion, in my 
judgment, would have no other effect than, perhaps, to place a dot over an i, or 
alter some word or sentence, leaving the platform substantially intact, I make this 
motion, and call for the previous question. ["Good."] 

The President — The previous question is moved. 

Mr. Cochrane, of New York— I rise to a question of order. The previous 
question is not moved for by a majority of the delegation. 

The President — There is a rule of the Convention, that when the previous 
question shall be demanded by a majority of the delegation of any State, and the 
demand seconded by two or more States, and the call sustained by a majority of the 
Convention, the question shall then be proceeded with. 



AMENDMENTS OFFEEED. 

Mr. Cochrane, of New York — I move you, sir, that in the resolution respecting 
impeachment, after the words, "properly convicted by thirty-five votes," to insert 
the words, "and improperly acquitted by nineteen." [Great applause and 
laughter.] 

Mr. Schurz, of Missouri — I am in favor of the platform as it stands. [Cheers.] 
I only want to move two additional paragraphs, which I think I shall have the 
unanimous consent of the Convention to offer. I move to attach to the second 01 
the resolutions, a clause in relation to the right of suffrage for the colored race. 

The PRESiDENT^The motion made by the gentleman from New York is in order ; 
will he reduce it to writing? [Cries of question.] 

THE PEEVIOUS QUESTION MOVED. 

Mr. McClure, of Pennsylvania — I am instructed by the delegation from Penn- 
sylvania to call the previous question. 

Mr. Van Zandt, of Khode Island— I am, also, instructed by the delegation from 
Rhode Island to call the previous question. 

The President — The gentlemen from Pennsylvania (Mr. McClure) informs the 
Chair that he is instructed by the Pennsylvania delegation to move the previous 
question. 

Mr. Van Zandt, of Rhode Island — Rhode Island seconds. 

Mr. , of Ohio— Ohio seconds it. 

The President — It is properly before the Convention, under the rules. Shall 
the main question now be put ? [Cries of " Yes, yes."] 

The President — Gentlemen of the Convention, as there is no call that this 
question shall be put by States, I shall proceed to put the main question. Shall 
the main question now be put? [Cries of "Yes, yes."] 

Mr. , of Pennsylvania — Before that is put, I wish to make an inquiry : 

At what point is it that the Chair regards the previous question to have been 
demanded ? Before, or after the motion of the gentleman from New York — General 
Cochrane, I believe ? 

A Delegate — After. 

The President— The Chair is obliged to the gentleman for the suggestion. The 



-Republican Ponvention. 87 

motion for the previous question was made after the amendment offered by the 
gentleman from New York (Mr. Cochrane). 

Mr. , of Indiana — I understood the gentleman from New York to have 

moved the previous question. 

The President — He did, but it was not seconded. 

The Delegate — The gentleman from Ohio seconded the motion. 

Mr. , of Ohio — I understand the gentleman from New York, who first rose, 

to have moved the previous question. Ohio seconded that motion. 

The President — New York disclaimed having offered it as a State. 

Mr. , of Pennsylvania — It was not done by delegation. 

THE MAIN QUESTION ORDERED. 

The President — It was not done by a delegation until after the gentleman from 
New York (Mr. Cochrane) moved the amendment to the resolution. The previous 
question refers to the amendment. Shall the main question now be put ? 

It was so ordered. 

The President — The question recurs on the amendment of the gentleman from 
New York (Mr.Cochrane). Has he reduced it to writing? 

A Delegate from Ohio — We demand that the vote be taken by States. 
The President — Is that done by Ohio ? [Cries of "No," "no."] 

THE AMENDMENT WITHDRAWN. 

Mr. Cochrane, of New York — Mr. President, upon my individual responsibility, 
I should suffer that amendment to remain ; but my delegation unanimously have 
appealed to me, in their name, to withdraw it. [Applause.] 

Mr. Schurz, of Missouri — Mr. President— 

The President — Gen. Schurz has the floor. 

A Voice — Mr. President — 



THE PREVIOUS QUESTION — AGAIN. 

The President — Gentlemen, it must be remembered that the previous question 
exhausts itself upon the amendment of the gentleman from New York [Mr. 
Cochrane], which he has withdrawn. We recur now to the main question, on the 
adoption of that report. 

Mr. Schurz, of Missouri — Mr. President — 

The President — Gen. Schurz has the floor. 

Mr. of Ohio — I move the previous question. 

Mr. of West Virginia — I also move it in favor of West Virginia. 

Mr. McClcre; of Pensylvania — Mr. President, I rise to a question of order. 
The previous question goes to the main question before the Convention, and the 
Convention can do nothing now but vote upon the platform as a whole. [Cries of 
" That's it," " That's right."] There can be no discussion; we must vote. 



88 Proceedings op the 



A Delegate from Ohio — I rise to a question of order. The previous question 
has not exhausted itself. It rests now on the main question. 

Several Delegates — Right! Right! 

Mr. McClure, of Pennsylvania — The main question is yet to be put. 

The President — The Chair has been advised by eminent parliamentarians, and 
reconsidered his decision. It seems that the previous question applied also to the 
main question, upon the adoption of the report of the Committee on Resolutions. 
That question is now before you. How shall the question be put on the adoption 
of the report, viva voce, or by States ? 
Voices—" Call the States !" 

THE RESOLUTIONS ADOPTED. 

The President — All who are in favor of accepting the resolutions offered by 
the Committee, and adopting them as the voice of the Convention, will please sig- 
nify it by saying "aye ;" opposed, "no." 

The motion prevailed. 

MOTION TO RECONSIDER, LAID ON THE TABLE. 

Mr. Thompson, of Indiana — The Chairman of the Committee offers an additional 
Resolution, as an amendment to the Report. I am instructed by the Committee on 
Resolutions to report for the consideration of the Convention, the following Reso- 
lution, on an entirely different subject. 

Mr. McClure, of Pennsylvania — Before the gentleman reads the Resolution, I 
ask him to yield while I make a motion. I move you, sir, by his permission, to 
reconsider the vote just taken, and then I move you to lay that motion on the table. 

The President — You hear the motion of the gentlemen from Pennsylvania 
(Mr. McClure). Is the motion seconded. [Voices, "yes! yes!"] It is moved and 
seconded that the vote adopting the resolutions be reconsidered, and that that motion 
be laid upon the table. 

The motion prevailed. 

The President — Mr. Thompson has the floor. 

ADDITIONAL RESOLUTIONS. 

Mr. Thompson, of Indiana — The following is the Resolution submitted for the 
consideration of the Convention, from the Committee on Resolutions : 

"Resolved That the adjournment of this Convention shall not work a dissolu- 
tion of the same, but it shall remain as organized, subject to be called together, at 
any time and place that the National Republican Executive Committee shall 
designate." 

The Resolution was adopted. 

The President— The gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Schurz) has the floor. 



^Republican Ponvention. 89 

Mr. Schurz, of Missouri — Mr. President, I desire to offer an amendment to the 
second Resolution contained in this platform. I approve of every sentiment contained 
in it ; but there seems to be something wanting. I will now read what I intend 
to offer as an amendment, but what I suppose the Convention may pass as an 
independent Resolution. It is: 

" We highly commend the spirit of magnanimity and forgiveness with which the 
men who have served the rebellion, but now frankly and honestly co-operate with 
us in restoring the peace of the country, and reconstructing the Southern State 
Governments upon the basis of impartial justice and equal rights, are received back 
into the communion of the loyal people ; and we favor the removal of the disquali- 
fications and restrictions imposed upon the late rebels, in the same measure as the 
spirit of disloyalty will die out, and as may be consistent with the safety of the 
loyal people." [Cries of " Good ! good!"] 

This is the first amendment. The second — and I move that also as an indepen- 
dent Resolution — is this : 

A Delegate — I do not think it is proper 

Mr. of 1 rise to a question of order, sir, and make a suggestion, and 

that is, that, according to a Resolution adopted yesterday, all Resolutions that were 
offered were to be referred to the Committee on Resolutions without debate. That 
Committee is still in existence. 

A Voice — The Committee have reported. 

The President — The Chair decides the motion in order. 

Mr. Schurz, of Missouri — It seems to me that the platform of the Republican 
party ought to contain at least a recognition of the great charter of our rights and 
liberties — the Declaration of Independence. I will, therefore, move, if it be in order, 
that the following Resolution be inserted among those already reported by the 
Committee : 

"We recognize the great principles laid down in the immortal Declaration of 
Independence as the true foundation of Democratic Government; and we hail with 
gladness every effort toward making these principles a living reality on every inch 
of American soil." 

Mr. McClure, of Pennsylvania — Mr. President 

The President — Let Gen. Schurz have a moment longer. 

Mr. Schurz, of Missouri— I am requested to read the first Resolution again. 

Mr. Richards, of Tennessee — I would suggest, sir, that the Rules be suspended, 
that the Resolution may be acted upon. 

The President — The chair is of the opinion that the Committee on Resolutions 
has discharged its functions, and that the Convention is at liberty to receive the 
resolution ; at any rate, Gen. Schurz has done nothing further, yet, than read his 
Resolution. 

Mr. McClure, of Pennsylvania — Mr. President, I am instructed, by the unani- 
mous vote of the Pennsylvania delegation, to second the motion for the adoption of 
these Resolutions. 

The President — Pennsylvania instructs its Chairman to second the motion for 
the adoption of these Resolutions. 

Mr. Gooch, of Massachusetts — I ask, Mr. President, that these Resolutions, by 
unanimous consent, may be made a part of the platform, which we have just 
adopted. 

12 



90 f 



ROCEEDINGS OF THE 



Mr. Warner, of Alabama — Mr. President, as a soldier of the Republic, who 
fought four years for the suppression of the rebellion, and now, as an Alabama 
Republican, I desire to third that resolution [laughter], as expressing the 
sentiments of the Republicans of the unreconstructed States. 

The President — Are you ready for the question? [Cries of "Question," 
" Question."] 

The resolutions were then adopted. 

MOTION TO BALLOT FOR PRESIDENT. 

Mr. French, of North Carolina — I move you, sir, that we now proceed to ballot 
for a candidate for President. [Great applause, and cries of "Vote ! "] 

The President — The gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. French) moves that 
the Convention proceed to take a ballot for a candidate for President of the 
United States. 

Mr. Logan, of Illinois — Mr. President, I rise to propound a question to the 
Chair. According to the order of our business, it is not necessary for a vote in 
reference to the nomination of a candidate for President. Is not the question to 
be announced by the Chair, under the rules, "Is the nomination for President now 
in order ? " I ask the question. 

NOMINATION IN ORDER. 

The President— The rule for the order of business does not prescribe any 
specific time when the Convention will go into that business. It may delay it until 
after the nomination of Vice President, if it chooses. The Convention is at liberty 
to say whether or not it will now proceed to that business. 

Mr. Logan, of Illinois — I ask whether the Convention is ready to proceed to 
nominations for candidates for President? 

The President — Is the Convention ready ? I await your pleasure. 

Mr. Logan, of Illinois — Is it the decision of the Chair that nominations are 
now in order ? 

The President — They are. 

Mr. Logan, of Illinois — [Cries of "Bully! John !"]— Then, sir, in the name of 
the loyal citizens, soldiers and sailors of this great Republic of the United States 
of America; in the name of loyalty, of liberty, of humanity, of justice; in the 
name of the National Union Republican party ; I nominate, as candidate for the 
Chief Magistracy of this nation, Ulysses S. Grant. 

The greatest enthusiasm prevailed, upon the nomination of 
General Grant. The mass of people arose, and gave three rousing 
cheers for the nominee. Handkerchiefs were waved, and the band 
played "Hail to the Chief!' 7 

Mr. Bright, of South Carolina— I move you, sir, that the vote be taken by 
acclamation. [Cries of "No, no." "It can't be done."] 



Republican Ponvention. 91 

The President — The Kules designate the manner in which the votes shall be 
taken. The list of States and Territories will be called by the Secretary, and, as 
they are called, let each delegation announce its choice for a candidate for the office 
of the President of the United States. It is understood, under the Rules, that the 
Chairmen of the delegations shall announce the votes of their respective States. 

CALLING THE ROLL. 

The Secretary — The State of Alabama ! 

The Chairman of the Alabama delegation — Mr. President, Alabama, through the 
chairman of her delegation, casts eighteen votes for U. S. Grant. [Cheers.] 

The Secretary — The State of Arkansas ! 

The Chairman of the Arkansas delegation — Mr. President, Arkansas casts ten 
votes for U. S. Grant. [Cheers.] 

The President — The State of Arkansas casts ten votes for Ulysses S. Grant. 

The Secretary — The State of California ! 

The Chairman of the California delegation — Mr. President, we came — ten of us — 
here, six thousand miles, to cast our vote for General Ulysses S. Grant. [Cheers.] 

The President — California casts ten votes for Ulysses S. Grant. 

The Secretary — Colorado ! 

The Chairman of the Colorado delegation — Mr. President, the Rocky Moun- 
tains of Colorado say — Ulysses S. Grant, six votes. [Cheers.] 

The President — Colorado casts six votes for Ulysses S. Grant. 

The Secretary — The State of Connecticut ! 

The Chairman of the Connecticut delegation — Mr. President, Connecticut uncon- 
ditionally surrenders her twelve votes for Ulysses S. Grant. [Cheers.] 

The President — Connecticut casts twelve votes for Ulysses S. Grant. 

The Secretary — Dakota ! 

The Chairman of the Dakota delegation — Mr. President, Ulysses S. Grant — 
two votes. 

The President — Dakota casts two votes for Ulysses S. Grant. 

The Secretary— The State of Delaware ! 

The Chairman of the Delaware delegation — Mr. President, the State of Delaware 
casts six votes for Ulysses S. Grant. 

The President — Delaware casts six votes for Ulysses S. Grant. 

The Secretary — The District of Columbia! 

The Chairman of the District of Columbia delegation — The District of Columbia 
gives her two votes for Ulysses S. Grant. 

The President — The District of Columbia gives two votes for Ulysses S. 
Grant. 

The Secretary — The State of Florida! 

The Chairman of the Florida delegation — Mr. President, Florida, the land of 
flowers, gives six votes for Ulysses S. Grant. [Cheers.] 

The President — The State of Florida gives six votes for Ulysses S. Grant. 

The Secretary — The State of Georgia ! 

The Chairman of the Georgia delegation — Mr. President, the Republicans of 
Georgia, many of whom were original secessionists, recognizing the wisdom of the 
maxim, " Enemies in war, in peace, friends," and ardently desiring a speedy 



92 Proceedings of the 



restoration of union, harmony, peace, and good government, instruct me, through 
their representatives here, to cast eighteen votes for Gen. Ulysses S. Grant. 
[Cheers.] 

The President — The State of Georgia gives eighteen votes for Ulysses S. 
Grant. 

The Secretary — The Territory of Idaho ! 

The Chairman of the Idaho delegation — Mr. President, the Territory of Idaho 
gives two votes for Gen. Ulysses S. Grant. 

The Secretary — The State of Illinois ! 

The Chairman of the Illinois delegation — Mr. President, the State of Illinois 
gives thirty-two for Ulysses S. Grant. [Cheers.] 

The President — The State of Illinois gives thirty-two votes for Ulysses 
S. Grant. [Cheers.] 

The Secretary — The State of Indiana! 

The Chairman of the Indiana delegation — The State of Indiana gives twenty- 
six votes for Ulysses S. Grant. [Cheers.] 

The President — The State of Indiana gives twenty-six votes for Ulysses 
S. Grant. 

The Secretary — The State of Iowa ! 

The Chairman of the Iowa delegation — Mr. President, Iowa gives sixteen 
votes for Ulysses S. Grant, and promises to back it up with forty thousand majority. 
[Cheers.] 

The President — The State of Iowa gives sixteen votes for Ulysses S. Grant. 

The Secretary — The State of Kansas ! 

The Chairman of the Kansas delegation — Mr. President, Kansas — the "John 
Brown" State — gives six votes for Ulysses S. Grant. [Applause and laughter.] 

The President — The State of Kansas gives six votes for Ulysses S. Grant. 

The Secretary — The State of Kentucky ! 

The Chairman of the Kentucky delegation — Mr. President, the State of 
Kentucky has directed its delegation to cast its vote — twenty-two votes — for 
Ulysses S. Grant. [Cheers.] 

The President — The State of Kentucky gives twenty-two votes for Ulysses S. 
Grant. 

The Secretary — The State of Louisiana! 

The Chairman of the Louisiana delegation — Mr. President, the State of 
Louisiana casts fourteen votes for General Ulysses S. Grant, and we propose to 
" fight it out on this line if it takes all summer." [Applause.] 

The President — Louisiana gives fourteen votes for Ulysses S. Grant. 

The Secretary— The State of Maine! 

The Chairman of the Maine delegation — Mr. President, Maine gives fourteen 
votes for Ulysses S. Grant. [Cheers.] 

The President — Maine gives fourteen votes for Ulysses S. Grant. 

The Secretary — The State of Maryland ! 

The Chairman of the Maryland delegation — Mr. President, believing that our 
great Captain will L crush treason in the Cabinet as he crushed it in the field. 
"Maryland, my Maryland," gives fourteen votes for Ulysses S. Grant. [Applause.] 

The President — Maryland gives fourteen votes for Ulysses S. Grant. 

The Secretary — The State of Massachusetts ! 



•Republican Ponyention. 93 

The Chairman of the Massachusetts delegation — Mr. President, the State of 
Massachusetts casts twenty-four votes for Ulysses S. Grant. 

The President — Massachusetts casts twenty-four votes for Ulysses S. Grant. 
[Cheers.] . 

The Secretary — The State of Michigan ! 

The Chairman of the Michigan delegation — Mr. President, the State of 
Michigan, following the State of Massachusetts, gives sixteen votes for Ulysses S. 
Grant, [Cheers.] 

The President — Michigan gives sixteen votes for Ulysses S. Grant. 

The Secretary — The State of Minnesota ! 

The Chairman of the Minnesota delegation — Mr. President, Minnesota, the 
North Star State, gives all she has — eight votes — for Ulysses S. Grant. [Applause.] 

The President — Minnesota gives eight votes for Ulysses S. Grant. 

The Secretary — The State of Mississippi ! 

The Chairman of the Mississippi delegation — Mr. President, the State of 
Mississippi, the home of Jefferson Davis, repudiates that traitor, and offers her 
fourteen votes for Ulysses S. Grant. [Applause.] 

The President — Mississippi gives fourteen votes for Ulysses S. Grant. 

The Secretary — The State of Missouri ! 

The Chairman of the Missouri delegation — Mr. President, the State Convention 
of Missouri instructed the delegation to vote for Ulysses S. Grant upon a radical 
platform. We have the radical platform, and, with full confidence that General 
Grant will carry it out, Missouri gives General Grant twenty-two votes. [Cheers.] 

The President — Missouri gives twenty-two votes for Ulysses S. Grant. 

The Secretary — The Territory of Montana! 

The Chairman of the Montana delegation — The mountains of Montana, and the 
Columbia river, are vocal with the name of Grant. She gives him two votes. 
[Applause.] 

The President — Montana gives two votes for Ulysses S. Grant. 

The Secretary — The State of Nebraska! 

The Chairman of the Nebraska delegation — Mr. President, Nebraska, the last 
State admitted into the Union, and the first to adopt impartial suffrage [applause], 
gives six votes for Ulysses S. Grant. [Cheers.] 

The President — Nebraska gives six votes for Ulysses S. Grant. 

The Secretary — The State of Nevada! 

The Chairman of the Nevada delegation — Mr. President, the Silver State has 
but six votes to give, but it proposes soon to be able to have six more to give. It 
gives all it has for Grant. [Cheers.] 

The President — Nevada gives six votes for Ulysses S. Grant. 

The Secretary — The State of New Hampshire! 

The Chairman of the New Hampshire delegation — Mr. President, New Hamp- 
shire gives ten votes for Ulysses S. Grant. [Cheers.] 

The President — New Hampshire gives ten votes for Ulysses S. Grant, 

The Secretary — The Territory of New Mexico ! 

New Mexico did not respond. 

The Secretary — The State of New Jersey! 



94 f 



ROCEEDINGS OP THE 



The Chairman of the New Jersey delegation — Mr. President, the New Jersey 
delegation, instructed by her Convention — and in giving those instructions, she 
spoke the voice of every man of the Republican party within her borders — now 
deliver their fourteen votes for Ulysses S. Grant, not only a victorious soldier, but 
a man, conspicuous for calmness of judgment, sincerity of patriotism, and personal 
honesty. [Cheers.] 

The Secretary — The State of New York ! 

The Chairman of the New York delegation — The State of New York gives 
sixty-six votes for Ulysses S. Grant. 

The President — The State of New York gives sixty-six votes for Ulysses S. Grant. 

The Secretary — The State of North Carolina ! 

The Chairman of the North Carolina delegation — Mr. President, North Carolina, 
known as the land of the "tar heels" [great laughter], gives eighteen votes for 
Ulysses S. Grant, and will give twice eighteen — thirty-six thousand votes — all of 
which will stick! [Great applause.] 

The President — North Carolina gives eighteen votes for Ulysses S. Grant. 

The Secretary — The State of Ohio ! 

The Chairman of the Ohio delegation — Mr. President, Ohio has the honor of being 
the mother of our great Captain. Ohio is in line, and on that line Ohio proposes 
following this great Captain, that never knew defeat ; to fight it out through the 
summer, and in the autumn, at the end of the great contest, and to be first in storm- 
ing the intrenchments, until victory shall be secured, and all the stars that glitter- 
in the firmament of our glorious constellation siall again be restored to their 
proper order, and all the sons of freedom throughout the whole earth shall shout 
for joy. ["Good! good!"] Ohio gives forty-two votes for U. S. Grant. [Cheers.] 

The President — Ohio casts forty-two votes for Ulysses S. Grant. 

The Secretary — The State of Oregon ! 

The Chairman of the Oregon delegation — Mr. President, the State of Oregon — 
the most Northwestern State of this Union — have directed their delegates here to 
cast six votes for U. S. Grant. [Cheers.] 

The Secretary — The State of Pennsylvania ! 

The Chairman of the Pennsylvania delegation — The State of Pennsylvania casts 
fifty-two votes for Ulysses S. Grant. 

The President — The State of Pennsylvania casts fifty-two votes for Ulysses S. 
Grant. 

The Secretary — The State of Rhode Island ! 

The Chairman of the Rhode Island delegation — Little Rhody, small in stature, 
but patriotic, gives her eight votes for Gen. Ulysses S. Grant, and wishes she had 
more. [Applause.] 

The President — Rhode Island casts eight votes for Ulysses S. Grant. 

The Secretary — The State of South Carolina ! 

The Chairman of the South Carolina delegation— The State of South Carolina, 
the birth place and home of John C. Calhoun, and the doctrine of State rights — first 
to withdraw herself from the Union — directs me, through her representatives sent 
here by a Republican majority of forty-three thousand four hundred and seventy 
[applause], returning as we do to the councils of those who desired only to preserve 
the Union, arm in arm and heart to heart with Massachusetts [great cheers], gives 
her tv/elve votes for Gen. Ulysses S. Grant. [Immense applause.] 



Republican Ponyention. 95 

The President — The State of South Carolina gives twelve votes for Ulysses 
S. Grant. 

The Secretary — The State of Tennessee ! 

The Chairman of the Tennessee delegation — Mr. President, Tennessee, heing 
one of the Southern States that was forced into the rebellion — Tennessee, being the 
first to reconstruct or be reconstructed, and be readmitted into the Union, and to- 
day being in the enjoyment of a most liberal Republican government, casts her twenty 
votes for Ulysses S. Grant [cheers] ; and with the solemn pledge, never again to 
present the name, for President or Vice President, of such a traitor as Andrew 
Johnson. [Loud cheers.] 

The President — Tennessee gives twenty votes for Ulysses S. Grant. 

The Secretary — The State of Texas ! 

The Chairman of the Texas delegation — Mr. President, Texas, through her 
delegates here assembled, has instructed me to cast twelve votes for Ulysses S. 
Grant, from the empire State of the South, having a territory of two hundred and 
seventy-five thousand square miles, and capable of sustaining twenty millions of 
people. [Applause.] 

The President — Texas gives twelve votes for Ulysses S. Grant. 

The Secretary — The State of Vermont ! 

The Chairman of the Vermont delegation — Mr. President, the Republicans of 
Vermont, through their delegation, give their ten votes for Ulysses S. Grant. 

The President — Vermont gives ten votes for Ulysses S. Grant. 

The Secretary — The State of Virginia ! 

The Chairman of the Virginia delegation — Mr. President, the State of New 
Virginia, rising from the grave that Gen. Grant dug for her in the Appomattox, in 
1865, comes up here with her twenty votes and enlists under his banner, and they 
propose in next November to "move on the enemy's works." [Loud applause.] 

The President — Virginia casts ten votes for Ulysses S. Grant. 

The Secretary — West Virginia ! 

The Chairman of the West Virginia delegation — Mr. President, West Virginia, a 
corner of the rebellion which never gave a Democratic majority, gives freely and 
willingly her ten votes for Ulysses S. Grant for President. [Applause.] 

The President — West Virginia gives ten votes for Ulysses S. Grant. 

The Secretary — The State of Wisconsin ! 

The Chairman of the Wisconsin delegation — Mr. President, Wisconsin, the last 
on the roll of States, adds her voice to that of her sister States, and gives her 
sixteen votes for Ulysses S. Grant. [Applause.] 

The President — Wisconsin gives sixteen votes for Ulysses S. Grant, and the 
roll is completed. 

GENERAL GRANT DECLARED UNANIMOUSLY NOMINATED. 

Gentlemen of the Convention, you have six hundred and fifty votes. You have 
given six hundred and fifty votes for Ulysses S. Grant. [Tremendous applause.] 

The audience gave three enthusiastic cheers for General Grant. 



96 Proceedings of the 



THE BALLOT. 

The ballot stood as follows : 

Alabama 18 

Arkansas 10 

California : 10 

Colorado 6 

Connecticut 12 

Delaware 6 

Dakota 2 

District of Columbia '. 2 

Florida 6 

Georgia 18 

Idaho 2 

Illinois 32 

Indiana 26 

Iowa 16 

Kansas 6 

Kentucky 22 

Louisiana 14 

Maine 14 

Maryland 14 

Massachusetts 24 

Michigan 16 

Minnesota 8 

Mississippi 14 

Missouri 22 

Montana 2 

Nebraska 6 

Nevada 6 

New Hampshire 10 

New Jersey 14 

New York 66 

North Carolina 18 

Ohio 42 

Oregon 6 

Pennsylvania 52 

Rhode Island 8 

South Carolina 12 

Tennessee. 20 

Texas • 12 

Vermont ,. 10 

Virginia 20 

West Virginia.. 10 

Wisconsin 16 

Total 650 



Republican Ponyention. 97 

Mr. , of Indiana— I move you that we try our throats with three times 

three, with swinging hats and waving handkerchiefs, for General Grant. 

Nine tremendous cheers were given. 

The band played " The Battle Cry of Freedom," and the whole 
Convention joined in the chorus : 

" The Union forever, hurrah boys, hurrah ; 
Down with the traitor, and up with the stars ; 
And we'll rally round the flag, boys, 

Rally once again, 
Shouting the battle-cry of freedom ! " 

The President — The Convention will come to order. 

Mr. Seymour, of Wisconsin — I move that the President of the Convention be 
authorized and requested to telegraph the result of the vote just taken to General 
Grant. [Cheers.] 

The motion unanimously prevailed. 



SONG. 

Chaplain Lozier, Chaplain McCabe and Major H. G. Lombard 
then sang a song written for the occasion by Mr. Geo. F. Root, 
entitled, "We'll Fight it Out Here, on the Old Union Line," 
which was received with applause. 

We'll rally again to the standard we bore 

O'er battle-fields crimson and gory, 
Shouting " hail to the chief " who in freedom's fierce war, 

Hath covered that banner with glory. 

Chorus — Then rally again, then rally again, 

With the soldier, and sailor, and bummer, 
And we'll fight it out here, on the old union lins. 
No odds if it takes us all summer. 

We'll rally again, by the side of the men, 

Who breasted the conflict's fierce rattle, 
And they'll find us still true, who wore true to them then 

And bade them " God speed " in the battle. 

We'll rally again, and " that flag of the free " 

Shall stay where our heroes have placed it, 
And ne'er shall they govern, on land or on sea, 

Whose treason hath spurned and disgraced it. 

We'll rally again, and our motto shall be, 

What ever the nation that bore us, 
God bless that old banner, " the flag of the free, " 

And all who would die with it o'er us. 

13 



98 Proceedings of the 



The President — The chair awaits the pleasure of the Convention. 
MOTION TO BALLOT FOR VICE PRESIDENT. 

Mb. Schofield, of New York — Mr. President, I move that, in accordance with 
the rules adopted by the Convention, the Convention proceed to vote for a candidate 
for Vice President of the United States. 

Mr. Hamilton, of Virginia — I move you, sir, as a substitute for the motion just 
made, that this Convention do now adjourn until five o'clock. [Loud cries of " No ! 
no! no ! no!"] • 

The President — Does the gentleman press the motion ? 

Mr. Hamilton, of Virginia — No ! I withdraw it. 

The President — The order before the Convention, under the rules, is the 
nomination of a candidate for the Vice Presidency. Those who would proceed to 
the business next in order, will say "aye." Those opposed, "no." 

The motion prevailed. 

Mr. Pierce, of Virginia — Mr. Chairman — 

The President — Mr. Pierce, of Virginia. Attention ! 

NOMINATIONS. 

Mr. Pierce, of Virginia — I am instructed, sir, by the loyal people of the State 
of Virginia, through their representatives, here assembled — 
The President — Order! 

VIRGINIA NOMINATES HENRY WILSON FOR VICE PRESIDENT. 

Mr. Pierce — To place in nomination the name of a noble son of New England as 
a candidate for the office of Vice President of the United States. That name is the 
name of the Hon. Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts. [Applause.] And, in placing 
him in nomination, we deem it due to ourselves — the duty of Virginia's sons as a 
slight reparation for the wrongs done by her in the past — for the contumely which 
has been heaped upon Massachusetts in the past, and as a proof of our regeneration, 
and as a proof that when the stone was rolled away from our doors — 

The President — Will the gentleman suspend his remarks for a moment. It is 
exceedingly difficult for the speaker to be heard. There must be better order. 
Proceed ! 

Mr. Pierce resumed — We wish to present this name as a proof that when the 
stone was rolled away from the door of the sepulchre that secession and rebellion 
had hurled us in, that we resurrected a loyal community, and that we acknowledge 
the supremacy of puritanical principle that had been rolled over Virginia. We now 
believe, that, if his name shall be put upon the ticket, it will be responded to by the 
loyal millions of the South, by the loyal soldiery of the country, by all those who 
have experienced and received the blessings that have resulted from his noble labors 
for eight years as the Chairman of the Committee on Military Affairs in the Senate. 



Republican Ponyention. 99 

We believe it would add a tower of strength. You have willed us Grant, and if you 
will now grant us Wilson [laughter], we can carry the election. [Applause.] 

Mr. Brown, of Pennsylvania — I move, sir, that the delegates have leave to 
nominate the name of candidates for the Vice Presidency, but that discussion as to 
the merits of candidates shall not be in order. [Cries of "No! no!"] I modify my 
motion by asking that the discussion be limited to five minutes. [Cries — "The 
Eule! The Rule!"] 

The President — The Eule, as adopted, provides for that, unless the gentleman 
wishes to move a supension of the Rule. 

Mr. Brown, of Pennsylvania — Will the President read the Rule. 

The President — The Rule is as follows: 

" No member shall speak more than once on the same subject, nor longer than five 
minutes, without the unanimous consent of the Convention, except that delegates 
presenting the name of a candidate, shall be allowed ten minutes to present the 
name of a candidate. 

Mr. Brown — I did not know, Mr. President, that there was such a Rule. I had 
forgotten it. 



MASSACHUSETTS SECONDS THE NOMINATION OF HENRY WILSON. 



Mr. Claflin, of Massachusetts — Mr. President, in accordance with the instruc- 
tions of the State Convention of Massachusetts, in behalf of her delegation, I second 
the motion of the gentleman from the State of Virginia. Massachusetts has 
never appeared with a candidate in a National Convention of the Republican party ; 
and she does not appear to day for herself, but she appears because she has a 
candidate whom she believes is national; and that, were he in any other State, that 
State would have presented him to the Convention either in the past or the present, 
and he would have been accepted as the unanimous voice of the Convention ; for the 
people of Massachusetts know and appreciate Henry Wilson. Born in a neighbor- 
ing State — coming to Massachusetts at an early day — surrounded by unfavorable 
circumstances in early life, he soon took an advanced position among the cultivated, 
among the.old and well-established names of political aspirants of that State. Soon 
he advanced into the National Legislature, and for the last fifteen years he has 
occupied a seat. He has been in the Legislature of his State, and for the last fifteen 
years he has occupied a position in the Senate of the United States. And I challenge 
any man here to point to a vote of Henry Wilson, which has been against the 
Union, which has ever been questioned by the loyal people of his State, or which 
has been 'in favor of treason, or which has ever been sullied by treachery. And I 
challenge the name of any man of greater merit throughout our State and Union. 
He has spent more time, and done more labor, than almost any other man that can 
be found in the United States. In the ripeness of his life, in the vigor of his man- 
hood, with integrity and courage, with a heart full of humanity for all men, with a 
genius almost unparalleled, we present him as our nominee before this Convention, 
knowing that he is in hearty accord with the great Captain you have placed at the 
head of your ticket — a man who will do more work in the coming campaign than 
almost any other man whom we can put forward. [Applause.] 



100 Proceedings of the 



INDIANA NOMINATES SCHUYLER COLFAX FOR VICE PRESIDENT. 

Mr. Lane, of Indiana — I am instructed by the delegates of Indiana, to present 
that tried and trusted, and true patriot, -Schuyler Colfax. [Prolonged cheers.] Of 
the purity of his life, in private and in public — of his distinguished public services 
— his long identification with Congressional action — it is idle and unnecessary 
that I should go into any lengthy eulogy. He is an Indianian, near to our home, 
near to our hearts. We know him ; we love him ; the people are united for him, 
and speak with but one voice. There are no dissensions there, no feuds to heal. 
He is the choice of the people, and although his residence is in Indiana, his fame, 
thank God, belongs to the whole continent. [Prolonged cheers.] 

To his past history I need but refer for a moment. He began public service, 
an orphan boy, with no inheritance except those gifts — those God-endowed gifts — 
which marked him from the beginning, a master and leader of men. [Cheers.] 
He began his career as a Whig politician, under the standard of that pure and 
incorruptible patriot, that far-seeing statesman, that representative of American 
character, that pure and fearless orator, Henry Clay. [Loud Cheers.] Faithful to 
his friends, faithful to his country, faithful to his party allegiance, he has sup- 
ported every candidate of the Whig party, and every nomination of the Republican 
party. 

These are some of his claims to your confidence and consideration. He has 
supported every measure of congressional reconstruction. With other distinguished 
gentlemen, presented for the same office, we have no quarrel. They are sons of a 
proud Republic. Their glory is a part of our common inheritance. We have no 
word of disparagement for them. When you make your nomination, we wish to be 
free to roll up our sleeves in their behalf; but I assure the Convention that, with 
Schuyler Colfax as our standard-bearer, we shall carry Indiana — sometimes, slan- 
derously (by evil-minded persons) called a doubtful state [laughter] — we shall carry 
Indiana ; we shall triumph in the election. We may do this with others. I trust, 
if another is nominated, we shall. But, with him, we regard it absolutely certain. 
It is an auspicious time to present a young man, a man representing the religious 
and moral sentiment of the country, and to a great extent a chosen, tried and true 
leader — no doubtful man. The painful experiences of the past have admonished 
us, and we must have no doubtful man in the office of Vice President. We present 
you no doubtful man. He has stood by reconstruction. Thank God, he has stood, 
also by impeachment [applause] ; and when the seven recreant Senators — unlike 
the seven golden candlesticks burning in the old Jewish temple — when their lights 
shall have been extinguished, or when they shall be only dark lanterns, whose 
illumination is only seen in places fit for the light of dark lanterns, Schuyler Colfax, 
as Vice President, or as Speaker, or as Member of Congress, will be found true to 
his principles, true to the interest of the Republican party, and of the Union party — 
for they are synonymous — one and the same. 

And, now that we have passed through the conflict of war, and have emerged 
from the storm-cloud of trouble, we shall redeem the whole United States, repre- 
sented, and properly represented, and the Scripture is now being fulfilled, that 
even Ethiopia is stretching out her arms. 



Republican Ponyention. 101 



NEW JERSEY SECONDS THE NOMINATION OF SCHUYLER COLFAX. 

Mr. Parker, of New Jersey — Mr. President, the Republican Convention of 
New Jersey gave to their delegates an instruction which they have fulfilled. A 
subsequent Resolution, upon the subject of the Vice Presidency, expressly declared 
that upon'that subject no instruction should be given, except that it was the duty 
of the delegates to aim at the nomination of the man most fitting to occupy the place 
of Vice President, most fitting from his record in the past, and most reliable in the 
future, without regard to locality. [Applause.] In the spirit of that Resolution, 
these delegates are here to day. 

We have a man among ourselves whom we should be glad to prefer. We have a 
man in the East for whom we feel veneration and affection, upon whom we can rely, 
and whom the country has relied upon, through the dark years of the fearful struggle 
we have passed through. But, looking through all the candidates before this 
Convention, looking through all the men of the nation, north, south, east, and west, 
we have determined, and, I, as their Chairman, am instructed to nominate to this 
Convention, for the Vice Presidency, Schuyler Colfax. 

We nominate him as a young man, likely, in the providence of God, to be faithful 
to his country ; and, in the call of the Master, to stand up ready to endure the work 
that has prostrated one, and would have prostrated, perhaps, another President, if 
the hand of the assassin had not found his heart. [Sensation.] We nominate him 
as a candidate of the young men. He is their representative, loved by them, 
possessing all the charms of heart, and the distinctions of mind, which would cause 
him to be known as a true patriot, as we have all of us known him to be. We 
nominate him because, coming from the great and growing West, we believe that he 
will add glory to the galaxy of men which the West has furnished, and will add even 
to the strength of the campaign for President, with whom, if our wishes are followed, 
he will be joined. [Applause.] We nominate him because we know that, in our 
own State, we can lift the. misrule that has been over us, and we can be a Republican 
State. Under his rule, we can do it. Schuyler Colfax, comes up here of Jersey 
blood [Applause], blood that has flowed throughout this land, and is always good 
and true. We nominate him for the virtues that have been expressed by the gentle- 
man from Indiana. [Cries of "Time! time!"] 

Mr. , of Pennsylvania — Mr. President, I rise to a question of order. If I 

understand the reading of the Rules, and the intention of the Committee in reporting 
them, it was that there should be one speech of ten minutes allowed in nominating 
Candidates. That was my understanding at the time, and I raise that point. 

The President — I see nothing but what is contained in the eighth Rule, that 
there should be allowed ten minutes to announce, and five minutes in speaking 
afterward. 

A Delegate — I understand that to be the rule. 

The President — That is the way the Rules read. 

The Chairman of Committee on Rules — The Rules say that the first speaker 
shall have ten minutes, and every other speaker five minutes. It has been incor- 
rectly printed in the paper. It was especially talked of in the Committee, and was 
so understood. 

The President — By general consent, it will be agreed that that shall be the 
rule. 



102 Proceedings or the 



MICHIGAN SECONDS THE NOMINATION OF SCHUYLER COLFAX. 

Mr. Cutcheon, of Michigan — I rise in behalf of the electors and delegates of 
the Republican party of Michigan, to support the nomination of Schuyler Colfax. 
[Cheers.] At the State Convention, where the Republican party was very fully 
represented, when the name of Schuyler Colfax was proposed for the candidate for 
the office of Vice President, there we witnessed some such scene as has been 
witnessed here to-day when Ulysses S. Grant was declared the unanimous choice 
of this Convention for President. [Cheers.] In Michigan, we have watched the 
course of Schuyler Colfax, who lives just upon her borders, and we believe, there, 
that no name can be proposed to the people of the United States for this high office 
that will excite so great enthusiasm in the State of Michigan. We know that in 
the State of Michigan the name of Schuyler Colfax is powerful. [Cheers and 
great applause.] "While we pledge, sir, the most hearty support to any nominee of 
this Convention, we feel that, with Gen. Grant and Schuyler Colfax, we can promise 
for ourselves that in the State of Michigan we can roll up thirty thousand majority. 
[Applause.] We esteem him as true to principles as the needle to the pole. We 
trust him ; we love him as the people all love the name of that man who comes so 
close to their hearts. 

Mr. McClure, of Pennsylvania — I desire to make a motion with reference to 
that Rule, that I think would be acceptable. If the delegates shall obey the respec- 
tive instructions they have received, there shall be no less than ten or a dozen 
candidates presented for Vice President. I move that the Rule of order be made to 
read that any persons presenting the name of any candidate for Vice President shall 
speak ten minutes in support of the same, and that there 'shall be only one speech 
of five minutes made in seconding the nomination. [Cries of "no," etc.] 

The President — If I understand the delegate, the motion is, that two speeches 
may be made for each person nominated as Vice President, the one of ten minutes 
and the other of five minutes in support of same. 

Mr. Cochrane, of New York — Mr. President, by order of the Convention, it has 
proceeded to the business of nominating the candidates, and nothing else is now 
in order until that is accomplished. [Cries of " Right ! " " Good ! "] 

Mr. McClure, of Pennsylvania — I suppose I could not reach it, properly, except 
by moving a suspension of the Rules. 

The President — The Chairman is of opinion that the Convention ^.as control of 
the subject. 

Mr. McClure of Pennsylvania — I see that I cannot reach it without moving a 
suspension, and, therefore, I will withdraw the motion. 

Mr. Brown, of Pennsylvania — Coming, as I do, from Pennsylvania, which 
desires to present a very popular and estimable gentleman to the office of Vice 
President, through a majority of her delegation — but coming, also, as I do, from 
the great county of Alleghany, a county which gave ten thousand majority for 
Abraham Lincoln, and which will give ten thousand again, in my estimation, for 
Schuyler Colfax — [great applause]— I desire, gentlemen of the Convention, to be 



Republican Ponyention. lO^ 

distinctly understood that I speak for myself, and not for the delegation, or any part 
of the delegation. 

Another Delegate — " That 's so ! " 

Mr. Brown, of Pennsylvania — Yes, it is ! 

A Delegate — No ; and no past of the State at all. 

Mr. Brown — I have come from the county which gives the Republican majority 
in Pennsylvania. 

A Voice — You pretend to represent it. 

Mr. Brown, of Pennsylvania — I come from the county that gives more Repub- 
lican majority than all the rest of the State put together. I believe that Schuyler 
Colfax is the choice of Alleghany county, and, speaking for myself, will vote for 
him first, last, and all the time. 

Mr. McClure, of Pennsylvania — Mr. President — 

Mr. Hassaurek, of Ohio — Mr. President — 

Mr. McClure — I will withhold for the present. 



OHIO NOMINATES BENJ. F. WADE FOR VICE PRESIEENT. 



Mr. Hassaurek of Ohio — The Ohio delegation, Mr. President, instructed by the 
State Convention, and of their own unanimous choice, present for the Vice Presi- 
dency a name which has found a place in the hearts of every earnest Republican 
[applause]; the name of that veteran champion of freedom and human rights, the 
Hon. Benj. F. Wade. [Loud applause.] Mr. President, like the great and immortal 
Abraham Lincoln, Mr. Wade arose from the lower and humbler walks of life, a 
child of the people. 

Like the great emancipator, Mr. Wade is a self-made man, who fought his early 
way through difficulties, poverty, and obscurity. And, Mr. President and gentle- 
men of the Convention, if we cherish the memory of Abraham Lincoln as the author 
of the proclamation of emancipation, we must not forget that Benjamin F. Wade, 
like John the Baptist of old, preceded him as a preacher in the wilderness. 
[Applause.] There is another resemblance, Mr. President, between Benjamin F. 
Wade and our martyred President; it is that incorruptible virtue for which the 
people have designated him by the name of " Honest Ben. Wade." [Applause.] 

There is no man throughout the length and breadth of this land, be he Democrat 
or Republican, who doubts the honesty of Benjamin F. Wade. If there is one man 
at Washington who watches over the people's money, and opposes with unrelenting 
hostility all schemes of lobbyists and corruptionists, that man is Benjamin F. 
Wade. [Applause.] And, although, he does not always do it in the choicest 
and gentlest terms of polite language [laughter] ; but sir, he does it in the language 
of indignant honesty and unpurchasable rectitude. [Applause.] He is entitled 
for his meritorious public services to the second highest gift at the hands of the 
nation. If the active, the positive, and the strong men of the party, are not to be 
deserted by their friends, then, gentlemen, this Convention will say to "Honest 
Ben. Wade," "well done, thou good and faithful servant." 



104 Proceedings op the 



MISSOURI SECONDS THE NOMINATION OF BENJ. F. WADE. 

Mb. Schurz, of Missouri — Mr. President, I am instructed by a large majority of 
the delegation from the State pf Missouri, to second the nomination just made. 
[Applause.] It has been properly suggested by the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. 
Palmer), to day, that the Republican party, in making a nomination for the office 
of President, ought to consider well one thing, that we present no temptations to 
the dagger of the assassin [applause]; and I am bold to say, that, if Ben. Wade is 
put behind Gen. Grant, there is not a Life Insurance Company in the world, that 
will not at once want to take a premium on the life of Gen. Grant. [Applause.] 
I need not speak of the career of the old chieftain. We all know that he is one of 
those men whom no flatterer can seduce, whom no threat can frighten, and no 
violence can coerce. [Applause.] Look at him now, as he stands in Washington, 
all the powers of corruption combined against him—and there he stands like a 
column of marble. [Applause.] I ask this Convention to stand by him. 

OHIO SECONDS THE NOMINATION OF BENJ. F. WADE. 

Mr. Spaulding, of Ohio — I wish to say, sir, that I have attended all the Repub- 
lican Conventions, I think, since the organization of the Republican party, and I 
never yet knew the delegation of my own State united upon a candidate, never ; 
but now, after eighteen years of experience of the "brave old Ben" in the Senate 
of the United States, Ohio stands here to give him forty-two. [Applause.] Sir, I 
need not speak further in commendation of our candidate, and I will not further 
take the time of the Convention. 



NORTH CAROLINA SECONDS THE NOMINATION OF BENJ. F. WADE. 

Mk. Jones, of North Carolina — Mr. President, representing the State of North 
Carolina, we have no candidate to present from that State ; but North Carolina, in 
appreciation of the gallant services done the Republican party by that old Roman 
veteran, Ben. Wade [applause], has instructed her representatives, on this floor, 
to cast her votes for Ben. Wade. [Applause.] Mr. President, I do not desire to 
take up any of the time of this valuable Convention [laughter], but I will say to the 
great West, that I believe his nomination will give greater strength upon the ticket, 
than any other name that can be presented. [Applause.] Why, sir, in the Con- 
vention of North Carolina, that has recently presented a constitution to the people 
of North Carolina for its adoption, the candidates upon the respective State tickets 
have used this" argument, sir, looking to the Congress of the United States as. the 
means of removing that arch-traitor, Andrew Johnson, they have held out the 
inducement that old Ben. Wade would be in the Presidential chair, to aid in the 
great work of reconstruction that they have so much at heart. Every speaker that 
I know of, that has been on the stump in North Carolina, has pointed to Old Ben. 
Wade, as the man to mete out justice to them ; and, sir, in conclusion, on behalf of 
the State, I say, we are ready to wade in. [Applause.,] 



Republican Ponyention. 105 



NEW YORK NOMINATES REUBEN E. FENTON. 

Mb. Tbemaine, of New York — Mr. President — [Applause.] 
The Pbesident — Judge Tremain, of New York, has the floor. [Applause.] 
Mb.,Tbemaix, of New York — In behalf of four hundred thousand Union Republi- 
cans in the Empire State, I have the honor to present to the Convention the name of 
New York's favorite son, Reuben E. Fenton. [Applause.] The public career of 
Mr. Fenton during the ten years that he held the office of Representative in Con- 
gress, and during the four years that he has so creditably filled the office of Chief 
Magistrate of our State, has rendered his name and fame familiar to every member 
of this Convention. He was one of the earliest and most prominent founders of 
the Republican party, and as early as 1855 presided over the first State Convention 
held by that young and vigorous political organization. [Applause.] He is 
emphatically a man of the people; sound and earnest in all his political views 
[applause] ; with sagacity and prudence that preserved him from political mis- 
takes ; without a superior as an efficient and successful political organizer ; he 
generally secures victory for those with whom he works, and is one who wields a 
commanding influence in the affairs of our State and nation. His unselfish support 
of the great cause of freedom and justice has been a marked trait in his character, 
and strikingly exemplified throughout his whole political career. When the 
rebellion broke out he threw himself into the cause of his country with all the 
ardor of his nature, and so conscientiously and carefully did he devote himself to 
the welfare and the interests of our brave boys in blue that he was everywhere hailed 
by the soldiers with the appellation of " Fenton, the soldiers' friend." [Applause.] 
In 1862 the great States of New York, Pennsylvania and Ohio swung from their 
moorings, and temporarily abandoned the cause of that party which was straining 
every nerve to crush out the rebellion and uphold the honor and integrity of the 
nation. It was a grievous error, and grievously have the people suffered from it. 
For two bitter years New York suffered under the administration of Horatio 
Seymour, and when the hour came for deliverance her sons turned instinctively to 
Reuben E. Fenton to become their standard-bearer. He took the field, and, although 
Seymour was then in the zenith of his power and popularity, Reuben E. Fenton 
overthrew this Goliah of modern democracy, and was elected Governor of the State 
of New York by ten thousand majority. [Applause.] Two years afterward he 
came before the people, and, with a record made glorious by his course in the war, 
he was elected by a majority of over eight thousand. Two years afterward he was 
again nominated, by acclamation, for Governor, and, although his antagonist, the 
Mayor of New York, by reason of his official position, his residence, and his per- 
sonal popularity, possessed extraordinary strength, Fenton was elected by an in- 
creased majority of fifteen thousand. [Applause.] 

Sir— the question is a natural one — " Can you carry New York, with her thirty- 
three electoral votes, for Reuben E. Fenton?" I give you the answer, coming from 
the free and frank interchange of sentiment of sixty-six gentlemen, fresh from the 
people. The election of 1867 was no indication of the popular sentiment on the 
national issues; and, sir, there is no reason to believe that the people intended to 
reverse the judgment which they deliberately pronounced in 1866, when they 
triumphantly sustained the patriotic policy of reconstruction adopted by Congress. 

14 



106 Proceedings of the 



Mr. Fenton was elected by fifteen thousand majority the last time he was before the 
people. We know, sir, that the naturalization process, aided by the dram shops of 
New York, are multiplying Democratic voters, but we shall overcome them by the 
increase in part of the young men who are rising in our land to vote with us, and 
by the force of sound religion and increasing morality. 

While we believe that we shall carry New York for any candidate, it is our 
undoubted conviction that, with Grant and Fenton for our standard-bearers, we 
shall give a decisive majority to the nominee of this Convention. Sir, in the cruel 
war through which we have passed, New York made great sacrifices. She poured 
out her blood and treasure like water. She claims no credit for it. In the future, 
as in the past, under all circumstances, and at all hazards, she will, combining her 
merchant princes with her professional men, and all that are loyal, crush out all 
repudiation and maintain the plighted credit, honor and faith of the nation. 
[Great applause.] 

Sir, if you concur in the opinion of the Republicans of New York, we shall not 
only appreciate the honor and the responsibility you have conferred, but the intelli- 
gence, which- goes flashing over the wires communicating the result of your 
proceedings, will so inspire our constituents with a sense of gratitude, of 
determination, and of resolution, that they will enter upon the contest as irresistible 
as the charges of the "Old Guard" of Napoleon Bonaparte. [Applause.] When the 
result shall have been achieved and the victory shall have been won, then you will 
hear the powerful voice of New York joining with her loyal sister States in the 
grand national chorus, and she will be entitled to claim a proud share in the honor 
of the great and glorious victory that shall have been achieved. [Tremendous 
cheering.] 



REMARKS OF MR. STORRS. 

Mr. Storrs, of Illinois — We remember well, when in 1864, the conflict we were 
then waging was transferred from the Potomac to the city of New York, the cohorts 
of the rebellion were under the command of Horatio Seymour, and the people of 
this nation were as much interested, and its future existence as vitally depended 
upon the success of that contest, as it did, sir, upon the contest being waged before 
Richmond. I have not forgotten, and the people of this nation have not forgotten, 
that our leader in that great contest in the State of New York, was Reuben E. 
Fenton, of that State. [Great Cheers.] I have not forgotten, sir, and I cannot 
forget while I remember the glories of our country, that, organizing the true and 
loyal men of our nation, he drove sedition out of the City and State of New York, 
and placed the glory of victory again upon our banner. Two years ago, sir, our 
battles were re-fought. I have not forgotten, that all the powers of an unscrupulous 
party, aided by more unscrupulous apostates [cheers], were again enlisted against 
the Republican organization. Sir, apostates do not flourish well upon the soil of 
the West; and, if there is any State above all others whose loyalty caused the 
poople of the West to rejoice, it was the State of New York when we saw the 
followers of Johnson borne down under inevitable defeat, by an army led by 
Reuben E. Fenton, of New York. Sir, "Peace hath her victories, not less 
renowned than war." 



Republican Ponvention 107 

We have put the great military captain of the age at the head of one ticket, 
and I, sir, in seconding the motion of the gentleman from New York, propose that 
the great civil chieftain of the Empire State, be second upon the ticket. I second 
the nomination. [Great cheering.] 

Mr. Logan, of Illinois — I did not intend, sir, to say one word in reference to 
the candidates presented for the Vice Presidency, nor do I desire now, sir, to 
descant on the qualifications or the merits of either of the candidates. They are 
all good men ; they are all loyal and capable ; but if I should sit still, as Chairman 
of the Illinois delegation, after the remarks of one of the delegates, it might be 
understood that he represented the entire delegation. I merely rise to say, that, 
I will announce that Illinois stands fifteen votes for Benjamin F. Wade [cheers], 
eleven votes for Hannibal Hamlin [applause], three votes for Schuyler Colfax 
[cheers], and three votes for Reuben E. Fenton. [Cheers.] 

LOUISIANA SECONDS THE NOMINATION OF R. E. FENTON. 

Mr. Warmoth, of Louisiana — I rise, sir, simply for the purpose of stating that 
the delegation from Louisiana instruct me to second the nomination of Gov. Fenton, 
of New York. [Great cheering.] 

KENTUCKY NOMINATES JAMES SPEED FOR VICE PRESIDENT. 

Mr. Wood, of Kentucky — Mr. Chairman, the delegation from the State of 
Kentucky, have instructed me to present the name of Hon. James Speed, for the 
office of Vice President. [Cheers.] In presenting the name of Mr. Speed, lam 
proud to say, that he is not unknown to the American people. During the darkest days 
of this Republic ; during the rebellion, when everything seemed to threaten the over- 
throw of the government, Mr. Speed, at the earliest possible period, took his place in 
the Union Republican party, and under that banner he has ever fought. [Applause.] 
There is no man in this Union, who stands higher in the State of Kentucky, than 
Mr. Speed. Mr. Speed, sir, was the confidential friend and adviser of the late 
lamented Mr. Lincoln. He was a member, as is well known to this Convention, of 
Mr. Lincoln's Cabinet, and was conspicuous for his great ability, and for his 
incorruptible integrity. He remained in the Cabinet of Mr. Lincoln, as is well 
known, and remained in that Cabinet until some time after Mr. Johnson assumed 
control of the government. 

The President — The Chair is obliged to call for order. It is with very great 
difficulty that Mr. Wood can be heard. 

Mr. Wood, of Kentucky — Mr. Lincoln, who well knew Mr. Speed, and who knew 
his sterling character, his incorruptible integrity, and his moral worth, selected him 
as a member of his Cabinet. He remained in that Cabinet until after Mr. Lincoln's 
assassination, and after Mr. Johnson's inauguration to the Presidency. He remained 
in Mr. Johnson's Cabinet, until Mr. Johnson proved himself a traitor to the Repub- 
lican party. When Mr. Speed found that there was no opportunity to be useful in 
that Cabinet, he, like a proud and noble man, retired from that Cabinet into private 
life, and is now exerting his great talents and influence for the Republican party. 
If Mr. Speed should receive the nomination of this Convention, there is no man in 



108 "Proceedings of the 



this broad Union, who can exert a more powerful influence on the success of that 
party. Kentucky will give her undivided support to him, and we trust that all 
loyal men throughout the Union will do the same. 

MARYLAND NOMINATES J\ A. J. CRESSWELL FOR VICE PRESIDENT. 

Mr. Sands, of Maryland — Mr. President, after the names, world-wide known, 
that have been placed before this Convention, and after the applause which has 
greeted the mention of these names, the task which I have to perform, which is laid 
upon me by my State, is somewhat difficult. It might seem, sir, that my associates 
and myself, coming from a State bound hand andfoot, to day, by the treachery of a 
recreant President, and a recreant Governor who is too mean to have his name 
breathed here to day — it might seem that we should be quiet. But, sir, though we 
are to day at the mercy of treason, I tell to you, that within the limits of that State, 
there are fifty thousand knees that have never bowed to the Baal of treason. 
[Applause.] When, in 1861, the fires of patriotism were attempted to be extinguished, 
they went out to the valleys and hills, and kindled them there, and, please God, we 
will keep them there, as long as there is a single hand to tend them. [Cheers.] In 
that year which took from us the beloved Abraham Lincoln — in that same year, God 
took from our little State, a man whose name was only second in our hearts to Lincoln 
—Henry Winter Davis. [Loud cheering.] Sir, as we watched his ascending spirit, 
we thought at last that we saw the man upon whom his mantle fell. We took him. 
We made him our representative ; first, before the people in the forum, next, in the 
house of Representatives, and next in the Senate of the United States ; and his 
vote, thank God, was the first of a majority which passed through the caucus of the 
Republican party of the United States — the first vote there for impartial suffrage. 
[Applause.] We honor him; Maryland honors him; and the men of Maryland, 
whose hearts are true to the nation, true to liberty, and true to impartial justice, 
sent us here to name him in this body, as her best beloved of to-day, and to put his 
name in nomination as a candidate for Vice President of the United States. I name 
him and have done — the Hon. John A. J. Cresswell, of Maryland. 



REMARKS OF MR. TAYLOR. 

Mr. Taylor, of Kentucky — I rise, sir, in behalf of the Kentucky delegation, to 
second the nomination of James Speed, of Kentucky. Gen. Speed has been from 
his boyhood a favorite son of that State. Gen. Speed has been from his infancy to 
manhood, a friend of human rights; from his boyhood to his manhood, he was 
anti-slavery, and as far back as 1859, in the State of Kentucky, when it was 
necessary for a man of stern manhood and integrity, to get up and vindicate his 
principles ; even as far back as 1849, he advocatedthen a change in the constitution, 
and he was a candidate before the people, for the purpose of emancipating the slaves 
of the State of Kentucky. From that time to the present, he has followed that 
same career. He has never yielded with a truckling spirit to the pro-slavery 
party. He has preserved his manhood to so great an extent, that when Abraham 
Lincoln became the President of the United States, in the first year of his adminis- 
tration, he called him to the Cabinet as one of his advisers. 



Republican Ponyention. 109 

The President — The Chair regrets to be again obliged to call for better order. 
It is simple justice to the gentleman from Kentucky. If any persons are obliged to 
leave the hall, let them do so quietly. Proceed ! 

Mr. Taylor, of Kentucky — He continued in the discharge of his duties at the 
National Capital, until he could no longer participate in the counsels of Johnson, 
without compromising his manhood, and, true to his patriotic impulses, he withdrew 
from that council, and returned to private life. [Applause.] I cannot come before you 
to-day, pledging you the vote of Kentucky at the next Presidential election, but 
I can come before you, my countrymen, and pledge to you a candidate, who is true 
to all his principles of Republicanism, who will never betray the principles upon 
which the Republican party stands ; and who has no impulse in his heart, that does 
not beat in unison with the great Republican party of the country. 



REMARKS OP MR. CRESSWELL. 

Mr. Cresswell, of Maryland — I ask the indulgence of the Convention for a 
moment to explain somewhat the singular position that I occupy upon this floor- 
My name having been mentioned in connection with the high office, the nomination 
for which is your present business, it is incumbent on me to say what I am about to 
say. It is true that the State Convention of my own State, actuated by a desire .to 
compliment me, complimented me by instructing my associates to cast for me their 
first ballot. I have requested that the delegation forego the compliment. They 
have as peremptorily declined. Under the circumstances, therefore, I am obliged 
to acquiesce, but preserve, however, a right to direct one vote which is under my 
control. I shall vote from a high sense of duty. 

If I had the privilege of complimenting 'all the gentlemen who have been named, 
I should be obliged to vote for them all. I have the pleasure of a personal acquaint- 
ance with each of them. I know them all to be true and faithful Republicans. 
But, in this emergency — in this time when all the Republican party have at stake 
is in the issue — at this juncture of affairs, I believe it my duty to give my vote for 
the man whose life has contributed so much to the establishment of the principles 
of Republicanism, — I mean glorious old Ben. Wade, of Ohio. [Applause.] I have seen 
that old veteran in the midst of the storm of battle, and I know that he has never 
been shaken in his purpose. He stands for the right, without fear and without 
reproach, and he stands before the people of the United States, to-day, more than any 
other man, as an exponent of the principles which we seek to make immortal in the 
tgrand contest in the coming presidential conflict. One more treason may strike 
them down ; one more victory makes the eternal truths which we have proclaimed, 
and which w T e have fought for in our battles. I can, truthfully, cast my vote to sus- 
tain the old veteran with his sturdy frame covered all over with the glittering 
insignia of illustrious achievements in behalf of his party. [Cheers.] 



PENNSYLVANIA NOMINATES A. G. CURTIN, FOR VICE PRESIDENT. 

Mr. Forney, of Pennsylvania — Mr. President, as Chairman of the Republican 
State Delegation of Pennsylvania, I have the honor to nominate Andrew Gregg 
Curtin as the Republican candidate for Vice President. [Loud cheers.] I deeply 



110 Proceedings of the 



regret my own condition, and that it prevents me from speaking of this dis- 
tinguished citizen as he deserves, and as I desire to speak. I, therefore, devolve the 
duty upon Mr. McClure. [Applause.] 

Mr. McClure, of Pennsylvania — Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention, 
I rise not to speak for Andrew G. Curtin. He needs not the Vice Presidency of 
the United States to increase hi's fame, nor to increase the affection of his people 
for him. I rise not to tell the story of his official career. That is known as well 
in Chicago as in Pennsylvania ; as well upon the shores of the Pacific as upon the 
shores of his own Atlantic. I arise to speak in Tbehalf of the three hundred thou- 
sand Republicans of Pennsylvania, who stand charged in the contest with carrying 
the very centre of the enemy's column, and giving success to our great cause in 
November. [Applause.] 

I say I speak not for men, nor do I speak from State pride. I appeal to the 
delegates of this Convention, in the words of truth and soberness, asking them to 
hear well in mind that as Pennsylvania shall cast her vote on the second Tuesday 
of October, so, in all human probability, shall the verdict of this great nation be 
rendered in November. I ask the members of this Convention to bear well in mind 
that after we shall have entered into this great national struggle for freedom — for 
a final victory — for the logical consequences of the war — that every loyal heart 
throughout this entire nation will turn, with quickened emotion, to the Keystone 
State in October ; that every loyal eye will turn with steady gaze upon the verdict 
of her people, and that, if she shall declare in behalf of the policy and principles 
of the Eepublican party, then your victory is complete — your great battle is won. 

I present, in behalf of Pennsylvania, to this Convention the name of Andrew G. 
Curtin, solely as the precursor of success in this contest, [Applause.] And I 
need not say that I do not present a man in any sense unworthy of the distin- 
guished compliment we ask this Convention to give him. In 1860, when they 
turned to Illinois and took her favorite son for the Presidency, I know well (for I 
bore some humble part in that contest) how Pennsylvania determined it for 
Illinois, determined it for New York, determined it for New Jersey, determined 
it for the Union, by her majority of thirty-two thousand for Andrew G. Curtin. 
[Cheers.] 

"We selected him with reference to the great issues, as well as with reference to 
the great national success. We knew that upon us devolved the duty of carrying 
the stronghold of the enemy's works. "We selected the man most fitting, the man 
the most worthy, the man strongest in the hearts and the affections of the people of 
Pennsylvania. And by his matchless eloquence, and by his brilliant leadership, she 
gave her first verdict squarely for the Republican party in 1860, and gave her sixty* 
thousand for Lincoln in November. And I remember well, too, in our State, when 
gloom prevailed throughout the Union ; when loyal heads were bowed in despair ; 
when men felt almost on the verge of disaster ; when Indiana fell, and Iowa 
swerved ; when New York gave her Seymour, and New Jersey her Parker ; and in 
the first great contest to redeem what we had won in 1860 and lost, we called him 
again because he was of all men the man most fitted to the occasion, of all men the 
most powerful. In 1863, the country having advanced, having learned in the 
school of war that we must plant our banner forward, and march onward, we 
again turned to Andrew G. Curtin, of Pennsylvania, and charged him with the 
duty of saving the State, and saving the common country. 



Republican Ponyention. m 

The President — Gentlemen of tlie Convention, the gentleman's time is exhausted. 
Shall more time be given him ? 

Cries — " Go on ! go on !" 

The President — I made the suggestion, because Colonel Forney, who made the 
nomination, is unable to speak and present the claims of that candidate. 

Mr. McClure, of Pennsylvania — I say, in 1863, when almost every loyal heart 
was stricken in despair, when our most faithful States seemed to have wavered in 
their fidelity, and when we had to commence the great work and turn back this tide 
of disaster, Pennsylvania then sought for her most trusted, her most honored, her 
most successful leader, and Andrew G. Curtin was again made our standard-bearer. 
Then, as now, he had been so eminent in good deeds, as to have ignoble foes. But 
he took the banner of emancipation [cheers], and bore it in triumph in Pennsylvania 
from the Lakes to the Delaware. He rallied around it the faithful people of our 
Commonwealth, as no other man could rally it then, or can rally it now [cheers]; 
and, with seventy thousand of our noble soldiers in the field, disfranchised by a 
court faithless to the cause of our country, he was again triumphantly elected by a 
majority of fifteen thousand votes, and Pennsylvania was saved, and your nation 
was saved. [Renewed cheers.] I need not say that he is pre-eminent in our State, 
because he is known everywhere the same, as the soldier's friend, and the great 
civilian hero of the war. [Cheers.] 

I dispute not the eminent merits of the distinguished civilian presented by New 
York; but I say if there is one man who towers over all others as the great civilian 
hero of this war, it is Andrew G. Curtin, of Pennsylvania. [Applause.] There is 
Pennsylvania, gentlemen of the Chicago convention ! There is Pennsylvania ! 
Behold her ! He has made her record during this war. He has written her his- 
tory during this war. He has advanced her every step she has advanced, for free- 
dom, for justice, and for liberty and for law. I need not refer to him. I refer to 
our State, because the history of our State for the last six years is the history of 
Andrew G. Curtin. There is not a soldier's home where his name is not lisped in 
love throughout our great commonwealth, and wherever there is a grave of our mar- 
tyred soldiers, and where they sleep in every valley, there is not a tomb of a martyr 
so humble, there is not an altar where his name is not lisped with reverence and 
affection. I appeal to this Convention — not for him, not for my State. I appeal to 
this Convention in behalf of the millions of Republicans of the Union — in behalf of 
victory. I do not say, gentlemen, that we shall be faithless if any other candidate 
is presented. Far from it. Pennsylvania has been too often tried, too often trusted, 
and has manifested her fidelity under every circumstance ; and whatever may be the 
choice of this Convention, she will give her united, earnest, and, I trust, successful 
efforts for the nominee. [Cheers and prolonged applause.] 

The President — The gentleman's time has expired. 



IOWA NOMINATES JAMES HARLAN FOR VICE PRESIDENT. 

Mr. Williamson, of Iowa — Mr. President, I am instructed, by the delegation 
from Iowa, to place in nomination for the office of Vice President of the United 
States, the name of one of Iowa's most favored public men [laughter], the name of 
a man whose public life and career has been a synonym for that of purity and 



112 Proceedings op the 



political fidelity — the name of a man who resigned the high office of cabinet minis- 
ter when he could no longer find friends of the country, of the constitution, and of 
the people with whom to consult in that high position. It is only necessary for me 
to mention the name of the Hon. James Harlan, United States Senator from Iowa 
[cheers]; a man whose whole life has been devoted to the principles of justice, who 
has stood firm and fast by the great principles of the party, when others, whom we 
have equally trusted, have deceived and ignored the express wishes of the people 
of the State and of the United States. [A voice — "Grimes!"] 

It is not necessary to make any extended remarks, as the gentlemen calling out 
the name of Mr. Grimes on so many occasions bring the mantling blush of shame 
to any speaker who is not in the habit of addressing large assemblages of this kind. 
[Applause and laughter.] 



SOUTH CAROLINA SECONDS THE NOMINATION OF HENRY AVILSON. 

Mr. Whitmore, of South Carolina — Mr. President and Gentlemen of the 
Convention:' No other emotion save that which is the proudest and the noblest, can 
inspire the hearts of those who are the representatives of the people, here to-day. 
When the names of each of the noblest sons of the country, most experienced in 
statesmanship, are brought before us, and we are called upon by the eloquence of 
the gentlemen who present them, our sympathies are stirred within us. I have 
nothing to say against the claims of any of the gentlemen who have been presented 
for our consideration. I trust, however, that our hearts may be animated with the 
purest desire to protect the rights and privileges and grand principles of our party, 
in the nomination which we shall make for the Vice Presidency of the United States . 
It may seem strange, Mr. President and Gentlemen, that South Carolina with her 
voice here to day, in behalf of one hundred thousand voters — South Carolina, with 
principles so antipodean in the past to the sentiments of the platform which has 
been adopted here to day — should stand here, in this hour, to give her voice in favor 
of one of Massachusetts' proudest sons. [Great applause.] We wear, Mr. President 
and Gentlemen of this Convention, his name upon our badges, and the remembrance 
of his deeds, and the great duties which he has fulfilled, in our hearts. We stand 
here well men, true and strong, representing the Republicans of South Carolina, to 
throw our voice and vote into the scale in preference of Hon. Henry Wilson, of 
Massachusetts. "[Applause.] 

REMARKS OF MR. KELFER. 

Mr. Kelfer, of Alabama — Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention — It 
may seem improper, perhaps, in a representative from Alabama to add yet another 
name to the already long list of acceptable men, for any one of whom the whole 
Republican party of this country may well be proud to give their suffrages ; and yet, 
Mr. President, the poor step-children of the Union in Alabama — [laughter] — that 
State whose name means " Here we rest," and where we Republicans have no rest, 
so far as we can see, are hardly likely to have [laughter] — still, Mr. Presi- 
dent, we feel that a debt of gratitude requires on the part of some of us standing 
here as delegates of the Republican party of that State to recognize, if we can, 



Republican Ponyention. 113 

even by a few votes, the sentiment of gratitude that we feel for one whose name 
is cherished in the State of Alabama, second to none of the illustrious men who 
have been named heretofore in connection with this high office. I mean to name, 
sir, for Vice President, the Hon. William D. Kelley, Of Pennsylvania. [Applause 
and laughter.] Gentlemen may laugh if they please, Mr. President, but we all 
know in the coming campaign there is no man in these United States whose clarion 
voice will bring voters up to the work before them, in a manner to surpass that in 
which they will be brought by William D. Kelley. [Laughter.] And if there 
is a doubtful Congressional District, who do they send for to canvass it but 
William D. Kelley, of Pennsylvania? [Cheers.] He is the man whom we want 
to marshal our voters to the polls. He is a man on whom the mantle of Henry 
Clay, as the great champion of American industry, has fallen. He is the champion 
of the rights of the laboring men everywhere. He has been the life-long devoted 
friend of human liberty and equal rights. And we of the South never appeal to 
him in vain for advice, counsel, and assistance, when it has been denied by many 
to whom, perhaps, the gentlemen might think it more advisable to give their votes 
at this time. We feel a debt of gratitude to Judge Kelley, and, although his claims 
have not been brought forward prominently as a candidate in this Convention, 
some of us, at least, will recognize the debt we owe him by our votes on this 
occasion. 



REMARKS OF MR. SEYMOUR. 



Mr. Seymour, of Wisconsin — I wish to declare, sir, that in rising to mention 
and propose the name of Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine, [applause,] that I have 
not arrogated to myself the honor or the pleasure of expressing the wishes of the 
Wisconsin delegation. The Wisconsin delegation is divided, by giving Colfax 
eleven, Fenton six, Hamlin two, and Curtin one. [Applause.] I merely, sir, rise 
in the name of those who desire to vote for this honored man, that the name should 
be put in nomination. This candidate is a man who is a head and shoulders above 
all corrupting influences. We do not wish to charge one word of objection upon 
any gentleman that is named ; not even to intimate their unfitness. On the con- 
trary, the multiplicity and respectability of the candidates afford abundance of 
evidence that the Republican party is full of good material for the Vice Presidency. 
But we know that we must, in this campaign, consolidate and organize all the Union 
element of the nation, and we think this nomination will do it. There is nothing 
that will put the Republican party in a state of invincibility so much as to go back 
and correct the blunder that was made at Baltimore, in 1864. It will be regarded 
by the people as a pledge of the Republican party to a return to soundness ; it 
would re-light the campaign fires, and, with the enthusiasm of 1860, the party of 
Lincoln and Hamlin would again unite and march on to victory. He is one of the 
few public men in this country upon whose name the politicians have never been 
able to throw a stain. [Cheers.] He is respected at home and abroad as a man 
of unsullied character, as a man true to the principles of the Republican party — 
true to the interests of the United States. [Applause.] 

15 



114 Proceedings op the 



FOE VICE 



Mr. Shepley, of Maine — Mr. President, instructed by the delegates, who are 
themselves instructed by the people of Maine, I rise to lay before you, on behalf 
of the Republicans of Maine, and on behalf of those whose hearts respond to the ' 
memories of the old ticket of "Lincoln and Hamlin" [cheers] — to nominate 
Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine. [Cheers.] Four years ago, the National Republican 
Convention laid aside a candidate who had been tried and found true and faithful, 
to take up a candidate whom the representatives of the people have been obliged 
to put upon trial, for high crimes and misdemeanors [cheers], and against whom 
the unanimous voice of the loyal people of the country has pronounced the verdict 
of guilty [Cheers.] The mistake of that day — the mistake of that hour, has 
cost us, and is costing us, to-day, through the treachery of Andrew Johnson, thou- 
sands and tens of thousands of lives of loyal men in the South. It cost us the 
life of Abraham Lincoln [sensation], and, unless the official guillotine be soon set 
to work, it may cost us the life of the nation. 

I will not go further into the history of those mistakes, but there would seem to 
be a poetical justice, now, in retracing our steps, and presenting to the people of 
this country the associated names from Illinois and from Maine, as on the old ticket 
of "Lincoln and Hamlin." [Cheers.] It would be a ticket, glorious with all the 
memories and associations of the past. [Cheers.] It would be a ticket, radiant 
with every promise of victory and security for the future. I am not going into a 
biography of the candidate whom we represent. The golden page of history, which 
records the highest advancement in human freedom and human progress, is illu- 
minated in golden letters with the names of Lincoln and Hamlin. [Applause.] His 
record is before the country. He has been tried and proved, and has not been found 
wanting. We do not ask you to nominate him as a compliment to Hannibal 
Hamlin. He has once received that token of the nation's appreciation. We do not ask 
you to nominate Hannibal Hamlin as necessary to carry the State of Maine. We will 
give you our vote for any candidate whom you may name in this Convention. 
[Cheers.] We do say, however, if you do give us the name of Hannibal Hamlin 
on this ticket, that as we are the first State, almost, to record our vote in the coming 
campaign, Ave will pitch the key-note, with Grant and Hamlin on the ticket, and 
we will pitch it so high that no discordant sound of treason shall ever be 
heard. [Applause.] 



REMARKS OF MR. SOUTHER. 



Mr. Souther, of Pennsylvania — I only get up to say, Mr. President, that, as 
the name of another individual from Pennsylvania has been presented here, and no 
one seconds that nomination, I simply rise to say that I do not second it — that I 
was sent here for a different purpose — that the delegation from Pennsylvania came 



Republican Ponyention. 115 

here under instructions to vote for A. G. Curtin. That is what they came here for 
that is what they were commanded to do ; and, perhaps, I should not have troubled 
this Convention for one moment were it not for the fact that, throughout this city, 
ever since the delegates came here, it has been told that Andrew G. Curtin was 
not the choice of Pennsylvania, and that there was opposition to him in our own 
Convention. That opposition has manifested itself here this mornng, and it amounts 
to about the same thing as the man's interest in the oil well, which was one thirty- 
second of one forty-second, and it was a dry hole! [Laughter.] I can only say, 
sir, that we have presented the name of Andrew G. Curtin here in good faith, as 
has been Avell said here by the gentleman who seconded the nomination. 

There is some part of this contest to be fought in Pennsylvania, and I will 
only say that during the war all eyes were at one time turned to Pennsylvania, on 
the eve of a battle, and her conduct on that day was considered to be the turning 
point in the struggle. It may, perhaps, be so in this contest, and we have, there- 
fore, made a choice which gives no uncertain or doubtful sound. We can certainly 
tell what will become of Pennsylvania. We ask you, gentlemen, to take this matter 
to your serious consideration, and, if we are not favored with our candidate, we 
will simply say that we came instructed by the State Convention to present the name 
of Andrew G. Curtin, as the unanimous choice of Pennsylvania. 



REMARKS OF MR. HUMPHREY. 



Mb. Humphrey, of Alabama — Mr. President, without solicitation, or, at least, 
without any authority from the delegation of Alabama as a delegation, one of our 
delegates, from personal consideration, from the high regard and respect which he 
has for Judge Kelley, presented his name. It is the presentation of but one man 
of the delegation, and whilst the delegation from Alabama has the highest regard 
and respect for the statesmanship of Mr. Kelley, for the statesmanship of Mr. Wade, 
of Mr. Colfax, and of the other gentlemen whose names have been mentioned in 
connection with the Vice Presidency, we feel, Mr. President, that so far as 
the State of Alabama is concerned, her destiny depends upon the exactest states- 
manship that can be administered in the affairs of the Government for the next 
coming years. And, sir, with a view not to disparage any one, nor with a view to 
enter into a fulsome eulogy upon any individual, I shall mention a name which un- 
derstands and comprehends, as we conceive, the great issues which are involved in 
the reconstruction policy. Sir, although the delegation will be divided, there will 
be a respectable vote given for the man. I mention the Hon. Henry Wilson, of 
Massachusetts. 

REMARKS OF MR. RASTER. 



Mr. Raster, of Illinois — Mr. President, eleven delegates of the State of Illinois se- 
cond the nomination of that man, whose name is inseparably connected with the most 
glorious page in the history of the Republican party — the name of the Hon. Hannibal 
Hamlin, of Maine. [Applause.] In going back in our memories to the history of 



116 Proceedings op the 



our party, we would not willingly rest upon the recollections of 1864. But we do 
like to return to the year 1860, as the year of our triumph. In the platform that 
has been adopted, to-day, we have a bill of indictment, as it were, of the nation 
against Andrew Johnson. That indictment has been applauded by this Convention. 
But has it not occurred to you that it was by the Republican party Johnson was 
placed in a position whence the weapon of an assassin raised him to the Presidency ? 
We say, in our platform, that we regret having done so. But, sir, is that enough ? 
Faith, without acts, is nothing ; neither is confession without, penitence. The 
Republican party sinned, in 1864; it is now confessing that sin. We said, in 
1864, that it was not good to swap horses in the middle of a stream ; and yet we 
did swap one horse of the noble team which had carried us to victory. [Applause.] 
I take it that our platform will not be complete if, to the confession, we do not add 
the penitence. [Applause and laughter.] The error we did commit was greater, 
perhaps, than any one here would be willing to think of. Would our martyred 
President be a martyred President to-day if we had not swapped horses ? What 
was said of honest Ben Wade, that he would be a shield to the life of General 
Grant, is true ; but it was as true of the Hon. Hannibal Hamlin, in 1864, in regard 
to the life of the favorite son of Illinois. In that respect, and because we think 
that the best memories of the party would be revived by the name of Hannibal 
Hamlin, we second the nomination. But, at the same time, we have one other 
reason. It is this : There is as wide a discrepancy in regard to the Vice Presi- 
dency as there ever was in the selection of a candidate for the Presidency. A 
great number of men — good and true — have been nominated. I have not a single 
word to say against any one of them, and would not if I could ; but I do say that, 
if there should be no union possible upon either one of the candidates named, I 
think that Hannibal Hamlin would be just the man to unite the friends of all the 
other candidates who have been nominated to-day. [Applause.] 

Mr. Hubbard, of West Virginia — Mr. Chairman, Western Virginia desires that 
a vote shall be taken, in order that we may show our hands for the man we are in 
favor of. [Loud cheers, and cries of " Good! " good! "] 

Mr. , of Pennsylvania — Mr. President, I move you now, sir, that the 

nominations be closed, and that we proceed to vote; upon which I move the 
previous question. 

[Cries of " no ! no!"] 

The President — The Chair can not entertain the motion. 



KANSAS NOMINATES S. C. POMEROY FOR VICE PRESIDENT. 



Mr. Martin, of Kansas — I simply desire to present the name of the honored 
and trusted citizen of our State : I submit as a candidate for the office of Vice 
President, the name of Senator Pomeroy, of Kansas. [Cheers.] 



Republican Ponyention. 117 



REMARKS OF GEN. SICKLES. 



Mr. Sickles, of New York — Mr. President, I need not, perhaps, say anything in 
addition to what has already been said. Language would fail me in this hour, to add 
anything to the discussion we have heard, in regard to the candidates for the Vice 
Presidency ; but I feel, sir, that I might do injustice to my own State, if I omitted 
to respond to the invitation extended to me by my own delegation, and the remarks 
made by my colleague in presenting the name of Governor Fenton, of New York. 
[Great applause.] The Convention of the Republican party of New York, in 
making it's choice for the Vice Presidency, did not fail to give candid consideration to 
the services and qualifications of the statesmen of sister States. They thought, sir, 
that it was eminently proper — and in this they concurred with the views already 
presented here from other States — they thought it eminently proper, that the choice 
of this Convention for the Vice Presidency should fall upon one of the most eminent 
and able of the War Governors, who sustained our illustrious War Minister, Edwin 
M. Stanton. [Cheers and applause.] In that group of War Governors, we find a 
Curtin, of Pennsylvania; a Buckingham, of Connecticut; a Salomon, of Wisconsin; a 
Morton, of Indiana [applause] ; the lamented Andrew, of Massachusetts [applause] ; 
and last, not least, Reuben E. Fenton, of New York. [Applause.] There are many 
others. I cannot name them all. [Cheers.] If the Convention will make its 
choice from these — and we doubt not it will — we are sure it will not fail to meet 
the wishes of the people, and that the choice will fulfill the expectations of the loyal 
masses of the people of the United States. But, sir, let me say, that it seems to me 
nothing can be more fit, in the Presidential contest, than to have, as the lieutenant 
of the General who never lost a battle, a leader who never lost an election. 
[Cheers.] 

The President — Gentlemen, the Convention informally indicates a desire for 
the roll call. Shall the roll be called ? 

Mr. Nowlan, of West Virginia — I move nominations be closed. ["No! no! "] 

The President — By general consent, the Secretary will proceed to call the roll 
of States. 



118 



Proceedings of the 



The Secretary then proceeded to call the roll of States, and 



announced the following result : 



FIEST BALLOT. 



STATES. 


o 

02 


o 
Q 






"3 




.2 


e3 


O 

a 



M 
4 


ft 

«2 


6 




4 
9 
1 


4 

2 

2 
o 


2 

1 

5 


2 










Arkansas 














California , 


2 
















Colorado 


















4 


2 


4 
































Delaware '. 


6 




















District of Columbia 




2 


















Florida 


2 
6 


2 
2 


2 
6 
2 
3 




















1 










Idaho 












Illinois .1 




3 

26 


15 


11 














Indiana 




























16 










Kansas 














6 


























22 












14 














M aine 








14 














Maryland 






1 














la 




24 








16 
























8 
5 
20 
2 
6 
2 


















Mississippi 


5 


...„. 


4 










































































4 


















10 




















14 


























66 






















18 

42 
















Ohio 






















Oregon 




6 
1 
8 






















3 

2 




"l 


48 














2 
12 




























6 

'To' 
""i 

7 
115 


3 

1 


11 


















11 





































18 
5 


2 
2 

147 


...„. 

126 




28 


1 

51 




























Total 


119 


16 


6 


4 


22 


14 



JlEPUBLICAN pONYENTION. H9 

The President— Does the Convention desire the vote read for correction, or is 
the summary enough ? 

Several Delegates — The summary ! 

The President — Gentlemen of the Convention, I read the statement of the vote : 

The total number of votes cast is 648 

Necessary to a choice .325 

Mr. Wade has 147 

Mr. Fenton has 12G 

Mr. Wilson has .' 119 

Mr. Colfax has 115 

Mr. Curtin has 51 

Mr. Hamlin has 28 

Mr. Speed has 22 

Mr. Harlan has 16 

Mr. Creswell has 14 

Mr. Pomeroy has 6 

Mr. Kelley has 4 

You have made no choice. Is it your pleasure to proceed to another call of 
the roll? 

Voices— " Vote !" ''Adjourn !" etc. 

The President — The Secretary will immediately proceed to another call of the 
roll. [Voices, "Adjourn!" "Vote!" etc.] 

A Delegate from North Carolina — I move an adjournment until 7 o'clock this 
evening. [Cries of " No !" " Vote !" " Call the roll !"] 

The President — It seems to be the desire of the Convention to proceed to 
another call of the roll without any withdrawal of nominations. 

Mr of North Carolina— I move an adjournment. [Cries of "No ! go on 

with the vote!" 

The President — The Secretary will proceed to call the roll. 

Mr. Wood, of Kentucky— On behalf of the delegation from Kentucky, I withdraw 
the name of Mr. Speed. 



120 



Proceedings of the 



The Secretary then proceeded to call the roll of States upon a 
second ballot, with the following result: 



SECOND BALLOT. 



STATES. 


o 

CO 

% 
11 

10 

1 


o 
Q 

1 


9 


o 

"5 
2 


1 


.2 
o 






Arkansas 






C alif ornia 


2 
6 
1 
2 

5 


5 


2 






Colorado 






Connecticut 


4 


3 


4 
















1 


District of Columbia 




2 

7 








Florida 


2 

2 


2 
2 


2 
7 
2 
3 






















3 

26 

4 

2 

9 


15 


11 














13 


10 

2 

14* 


2 














'iT 
i 






















1 
24 




2 


10 












16 














8 
5 

20 

2 
6 

2 










. 5 


...„. 


4 






























4 








10 








14 
















66 








9 


...... 

6 
3 
3 


9 
38 




























5 






44 




5 
12 




















6 


3 

9 

...„. 

1 
1 

170 


11 
3 

2 


















10 
4 
3 

7 

145 








12 
6 












6 
144 


2 
30 




Total 


114 


45 







Republican Ponvention. 121 

The President — Gentlemen of the Convention, I read the statement of the vote : 

Total number of votes cast 648 

Necessary to a choice 325 

Mr. Wade has 170 

Mr. Colfax has 145 

Mr. Fenton has 144 

Mr. Wilson has 114 

Mr. Curtin has 45 

Mr. Hamlin has 30 

Gentlemen of the Convention, you have made no choice. Will the Secretary 
proceed with the call of the roll? 

Voices— The roll ! 

A Delegate from Virginia — I move you, sir, that we adjourn until 7 o'clock to- 
night. [Many voices, " No ! "] 

The President — It would seem to be unnecessary to put the vote. The Secre- 
tary will proceed to call the roll. 



16 



122 



Proceedings of the 



The Secretary then proceeded to call the . roll, with the following 
result : 



THIRD BALLOT. 



STATES. 


a 

o 

11 

10 


o 
O 

1 


2 


a 
© 

2 


a 

si 


.2 

o 


Alabama 




Arkan sas 






California , , 


1 

6 
3 
2 
5 


8 


1 






Colorado 






Connecticut 




2 


7 






Dakota 












2 


1 






District of Columbia 








Florida 


2 


2 
4 


2 
8 
2 
3 






Georgia 






Idaho 








Illinois 




4 

26 

8 

2 

10 


17 


8 




Indiana 






Iowa 




2 

12 

5 


8 

2 






Kansas 








Kentucky 








Louisiana 




9 






Maine 






14 

1 




Maryland 


1 
24 


2 


10 






Massachusetts 




Michigan 


16 

2 










Minnesota 


1 

4 


7 

4 

20 

2 
6 
2 










5 


































Nevada , 






4 








10 








14 
















66 

* 






N orth Carolina 


9 


' 5 

6 

5 
8 


9 
37 


















7 






40 










12 










Tennessee 


6 


3 
11 


11 
1 














Vermont 




10 
6 

2 
8 

165 








10 

7- 


2 
1 
1 

178 


2 






West Virginia 








5 
139 


2 
25 




Total 


101 


40 







Republican Ponyention 123 

The President — Gentlemen of the Convention, I read the statement of the vote: 

Total number of votes cast 648 

Necessary for a choice 325 

Mr. Wade has 178 

Mr. Colfax has 165 

Mr. Fenton has 139 

Mr. Wilson has 101 

Mr. Curtin has 40 

Mr. Hamlin has 25 

Mr. McClure, of Pennsylvania — Mr. President — [Cries of "Vote!"] 

The President — The Chair must hear the gentleman from Pennsylvania. He 
has the floor. 

Mr. McClure, of Pennsylvania — I hold in my hand a letter from Governor 
Curtin, of Pennsylvania, placed in the hands of the delegation. [Cries of 
"Louder! "] 

I have in my hand a letter from Governor Curtin, addressed to the delegation 
from Pennsylvania, allowing them, in their discretion, to withdraw his name from 
this Convention. A majority of the delegation have instructed me now to present 
that letter, and thus withdraw his name from the Convention. Shall I read it ? 
[Cries of " Read it! read it ! "] 

Mr. McClure, of Pennsylvania — Mr. President, I will read the letter. 

"Philadelphia, May 16, 1868. 
" Gentlemen: While deeply sensible of the honor done me by the Republicans 
of Pennsylvania, in the cordial presentation of my name for the Vice Presidency, 
under the instructions of this Convention, directing the vote of the State to be cast 
for me, I do not feel justified, in this period of our country's peril, to allow my 
name to be used to embarrass, in any degree, the action of the delegation, in effecting 
what may be deemed best for the harmony of the party, and the success of our 
cherished principles. Never before in our history, was the success of loyal principles 
so vital to the peace and prosperity, and, indeed, the safety of the Republic, and 
no mere personal interest, or ambition, should be allowed to interfere with the 
deliberations of the people, or the declaration of their judgment. At the election, we 
must have the most cordial unity of action, and when my name stands in the way 
of it, the delegation should not hesitate to withdraw it from the list of candidates 
before the Convention. Fidelity to the harmony and interests of the Republican 
party will be the highest measure of fidelity to me, on the part of the Pennsylvania 
delegation. [Applause.] Appalling treachery, and emboldened treason, confront 
us, and the welfare of the living, and justice to the memory of the heroic dead, 
demand of all a singleness of purpose in making this last struggle for freedom, 
justice, and law. Do not hesitate to withdraw my name whenever, in your judg- 
ment, it will promote unity and harmony in the Republican party, and its ultimate 
triumph, which is so essential to the perpetuity of the government, and the 
prosperity and happiness of the American people. 

"Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

"ANDREW G. CURTIN. 
" To the Pennsylvania Delegation in the National Republican Convention.'" 



124 



3 ROCEEDINGS OF THE 



The Secretary then called the roll, with the following result : 

FOUETH BALLOT. 



STATES. 


o 

W 

11 

8 


eg 

o 

O 

1 

"i 

6 
2 
5 

2 
2 


o 

2 
2 

7 


o 

"H 

o 
2 


1 

e3 


Alabama 




Arkansas 






9 










Connecticut 




2 


8 
1 




Delaware 






Dakota 






Florida : 


o 


2 
5 


2 




District of Columbia 




Georgia 




5 


8 
2 
3 




Idaho 






Illinois 




6 

26 

8 

9 

10 


17 


H 


Indiana 










...„. 

12 
5 


8 
2 




Kansas 






Kentucky 






Louisiana 




9 




Maine 






14 


Maryland 


1 

24 


3 


10 






Massachusetts 






Michigan 


16 

"l 

2 








Minnesota 


1 
4 


7 

5 

20 

2 
6 

2 






Mississippi 


4 








Montana 








Nebraska 
















4 




New Hampshire 


10 








14 




"66" 

1 




N e w York 








7 


6 

14 

6 


10 
36 




Ohio..... 

















33 

2 




o 






S outh Carolina 


7 


5 
11 




Tennessee 


6 

1 

10 

10 

4 

11 

186 


3 
11 




Texas 














Virginia 


5 




2 
1 

206 


3 








Wisconsin 


3 



144 


2 


Total 


87 


?fi 







Republican Ponyention.' 125 

The President — Gentlemen of the Convention, I read the statement of the vote : 

Total number of votes cast 648 

Necessary to a choice 325 

Mr. Wade has 206 

Mr. Colfax has 186 

Mr. Fenton has 144 

Mr. Wilson has 87 

Mr. Hamlin has 25 

Is it your pleasure to proceed to another ballot ? [Cries of "Vote!"] The 
Secretary will proceed immediately to call the roll. 



126 



'ROCEEDINGS OF THE 



The Secretary then proceeded to call the roll on the fifth ballot, 
when the votes were cast as follows : 



FIFTH BALLOT. 



STATES, 


2 

2 
8 


o 
O 

1 


d 
o 
■+3 

o> 
2 


.9 
1 

w 


a 


1^ 


Alabama 


11 




8 




1 
G 
4 

2 

4 


1 














2 


6 






Dakota 








2 
2 












Florida 


1 
3 


5 
10 

■ 2 

3 








5 












Illinois 


19 


8 

26 
8 
o 

10 


2 












8 
2 

"9 






Kansas 


2 

12 

5 






Kentucky 










14 






10 


3 












24 






16 










7 

6 

20 

o 

6 
1 
9 


1 




1 

2 


4 




3 


























"iT 


5 
1 






















66 








9 
38. 


7 
6 
6 
30 
8 

"ii" 




2 




















20 


1 


1 










■ 2 

3 

12 


7 




3 
















10 

10 

9 

11 

226 










o 

1 

207 


5 




3 








2 
139 


3 

20 




Total 


58 



Republican Ponyention. 127 

Before the result of this ballot was announced, several delegations 
changed their votes. 

Mr. Williamson, of Iowa — Mr. President, Iowa desires to change the votes cast 
for Fenton to Colfax, and cast its entire sixteen votes for Colfax. 

Mr. McClure, of Pennsylvania — Pennsylvania votes, sir, unanimously for Colfax. 
[Immense applause and great confusion, several gentlemen trying to obtain the 
floor.] 

The President — The Chair will not entertain any motion until there is better 
order. The gentleman from Louisiana first caught the eye of the Chair. 

Mr. Warmouth, of Louisiana — I am directed, sir, by the delegation from 
Louisiana to change its fourteen votes to Schuyler Colfax. [Applause.] 

The President — Gentlemen of the Convention, I am waiting to announce the 
gentleman from Connecticut, who is waiting to speak. 

Mr. Bent, of Connecticut — Mr. President, Connecticut desires to change her 
vote and make it unanimous for Schuyler Colfax. [Applause.] 

Mr. Claflin, of Massachusetts — Mr. President, by authority of Senator Wilson, 
and by direction of the delegation from Massachusetts, I withdraw his name from 
this Convention, and Massachusetts desires her vote to be placed for Schuyler 
Colfax, of Indiana. [Applause and great confusion.] 

The President — The Chair will entertain no motion until there is better order, 
and will announce when he considers order restored. 

Mr. , of the District of Columbia — The District of Columbia, sir, desires 

to change its vote. [Applause.] 

The President — The gentleman will remain seated until we have order. 

Mr. Stokes, of Tennessee — I am authorized, Mr. President, by the delegation 
from Tennessee, to cast the vote of our State as a unit for Schuyler Colfax. 
[Applause.] 

Mr. Wood, of Kentucky— Mr. President, I am authorized to cast the vote of 
Kentucky as a unit for Schuyler Colfax. 

Mr. Lee, of South Carolina — Mr. President, the delegation from South Carolina 
desires to change its vote to Schuyler Colfax. [Applause and confusion.] 

The President — It is impossible to transact any business until the Convention 
gets seated and returns to order. The work could be done in a minute, that now, 
in this way, cannot be done here in an hour. I am waiting to announce the vote 
given by South Carolina and Florida. I then will listen to gentlemen. South Car- 
olina, I understood to give her vote unanimously for Mr. Colfax ? 

Mr. Lee of South Carolina — That was the vote of South Carolina. 

The Chairman of the Florida delegation — Mr. President, I am instructed by the 
delegates from Florida to present a flowery tribute of six votes for Schuyler Colfax. 
[Applause.] 

Mr. Barker, of Maine — I am instructed, Mr. President, by the delegation from 
Maine, to change its vote from its first choice to its second one, and give its fourteen 
votes for Schuyler Colfax. [Cheers.] 

The President — Maine announces its vote unanimously for Colfax. 

The Chairman of the Minnesota delegation — The whole delegation cast their 
vote for Colfax. [Applause.] 



128 Proceedings op the 



The Chairman of the Wisconsin delegation — Mr. President, the delegation from 
Wisconsin has instructed me to cast their yote unanimously in favor of Schuyler 
Colfax. [Cheers.] 

Mr. Jones, of Ohio — Mr. President, on behalf of the delegation of Ohio, by 
unanimous consent, I rise to make a motion to terminate this contest, where we 
seem to struggle now, to concentrate upon the distinguished statesman from Indiana. 
Mr. President, a large majority in the Ohio delegation presented her favorite son, 
Benjamin F. Wade, and desired his nomination. But, sir, whether it be Wade, or 
whether it be Colfax, or whether it should have been the distinguished gentleman 
from Massachusetts, or from New York, or any other of the great names here pre- 
sented, Ohio fights as she votes, though the Legislature have legislated that, if there 
be a challenge of a man, on account of a possible admixture of colored blood in the 
veins of his father, or his grandfather ("why don't you vote?") — we will still, 
Mr. President, in spite of this, carry the flag of victory. We will not forget our 
tens of thousands who have fallen for the cause of our liberty, nor will we forget 
the sufferings of those men, nor the tears of their wives and orphans. I move, 
therefore, sir, that the Rules be suspended, and Schuyler Colfax be declared unani- 
mously nominated. 

The Chairman of the Mississippi delegation — I am directed by the delegates 
from Mississippi to have their votes changed, so that they will have fourteen votes 
for Schuyler Colfax. [Applause.] 

Mr. Pierce, of Virginia — I am instructed, sir, by the delegation from Virginia, 
to cast twenty votes for Schuyler Colfax. [Applause.] 

The Chairman of the Nevada delegation — Mr. President, Nevada changes her 
vote to Schuyler Colfax. [Applause.] 

The Chairman of the Kansas delegation — Mr. President, Kansas changes her 
vote to Colfax. [Applause.] 

Mr. Thayer, of Nebraska — Mr. President, Nebraska desires to change her vote 
to Schuyler Colfax. [Applause.] 

Mr. Jones, of Ohio — Mr. President, does the Chair entertain my motion to sus- 
pend the Rules, and declare the nomination unanimous ? 

Several Delegates — " No ! no ! " 

The President — Gentlemen of the Convention — 

A Delegate from California — California desires to change her vote to Schuyler 
Colfax. [Applause.] 

The President — The Chair claims the floor. The gentleman from Ohio moves to 
suspend the Rules and make the nomination of Schuyler Colfax unanimous. 

A Delegate — I second the motion. 

Several Delegates — Go on with the roll ! 

The President— Gentlemen— 

Several Delegates— Call the roll ! 

The President— It requires two-thirds of the Convention to suspend the rules. 
The Chair decides that the roll must be called. 



The Secretary then proceeded to call the roll. 

The Secretary — -Alabama ! 



Republican Ponvention. 129 

A Delegate from Alabama — Mr. President, Alabama casts fifteen, votes for Colfax 
and one for Governor Fenton. 

The Secretary — Arkansas ! 

A Delegate from Arkansas — Mr. President, Arkansas casts ten votes for Colfax. 

The Secretary — California ! 

A Delegate from California — Mr. President, California casts ten votes for Colfax. 

Mr. Cochrane, of New York — Mr. President, I rise for information. The dele- 
gates in this quarter of the Convention do not know, now, upon what business the 
Convention is engaged, or in what part of the call it is. 

The President — There was strong objection made to any suspension of the Rules, 
and, hearing no motion, the Chair decided, under the regular order of business, to 
call the roll again. 

Mr. Cochrane, of New York — We ask, sir, for the announcement of the vote of— 

The President — The Chair will give the announcement of the vote. 

Mr. Cochrane, of New York — That, sir, is in order, and nothing ebe is in order. 

The President — The Convention, it seemed to me, called for the call of the roll, 
because it would obviate the necessity of these changes, and I ordered it. 

Mr. Parker, of New Jersey — Mr. President, a delegate from Maryland has 
been endeavoring, over and over again, to announce the vote of that State, but by 
some accident has not met your eye. I demand that he be heard. 

The President — The Convention has demanded the calling of the roll, in order 
to settle these changes. That is the better — 

Several Delegates — Call the roll! 

The President — If the house prefer— = 

Several Delegates— Call the roll! 

The President — I now give the gentleman from Maryland the floor. 

Mr. Sands, of Maryland — Mr. President, Maryland casts her vote of fourteen 
for Schuyler Colfax. 

Mr. Cochrane, of New York — I rise, sir, for the information of the New York 
delegation. We understand that there is no new call for the roll, but a repetition, 
in order to certify to the old one [" That's it! That's it!"], so that, when a State 
is called, it is not for a new vote, but to ascertain and certify its old one, so 
that when New York may be called in its order, she is not to vote again, having on 
this very call cast her vote for Reuben E. Fenton. Am I right ? 

The President — The Convention demanded the calling of the roll over again. 
The Chair hesitated a moment for that, and delegates again insisted that there 
should be a calling of the roll, from the beginning, to make these changes. 

A Delegate — Mr. Chairman — 

The President — If there be no objection, the Chair will order the action ; if not, 
the call will be proceeded with. 

Mr. Cochrane, of New York — I hope, sir, the Chair will proceed in the usual 
way, and have the corrections made. 

The President — The Chair will order the usual course. 

Mr. , of North Carolina — Mr. President, North Carolina desires to change 

her eighteen votes to Schuyler Colfax. [Applause.] 

Mr. , of the District of Columbia — The District of Columbia desire* to" 

change her two votes to Schuyler Colfax, 

Mr. Brown, of Georgia — Mr. President, the delegation from Georgia came here 

17 



130 PROCEKDIKGS OF THE 



to support the choice of the Northern States, so soon as that choice should be 
manifest to us. I am, therefore, instructed by the delegation, to change the 
vote of Georgia, and cast eighteen votes for Schuyler Colfax. [Cries of " Good ! 
good!"] 

The Chairman of the New Hampshire delegation — The delegation from New 
Hampshire desire that I should change the New Hampshire ten votes, and cast 
them for Schuyler Colfax. [Applause.] 

Mr. , of California — Mr. President, California desires to change her ten 

votes to Schuyler Colfax. [Applause.] 

Mr. Thayer, of Nebraska — Mr. President, Nebraska desires to change her vote 
and make it unanimous for Schuyler Colfax. [Applause.] 

Mr. Prouty, of Kansas — Mr. President, Kansas desires to make her vote 
unanimous for Schuyler Colfax. [Applause.] 

The Chairman of the Arkansas delegation — Mr. President, Arkansas desires to 
make her vote unanimous for Schuyler Colfax. [Applause.] 

The Chairman of the Texas delegation — Texas casts her twelve votes for 
Colfax. [Cheers.] 

Mr. Schurz, of Missouri — Missouri desires to make her vote unanimous for 
Schuyler Colfax. [Applause.] 

The Chairman of the Delaware delegation — Mr. President, Delaware is unani- 
mous for Schuyler Colfax. [Cheers. ] 

Mr. Harris, of West Virginia — Mr. President, West Virginia desires to make her 
ten votes unanimous for Schuyler Colfax. [Cheers.] 

The President — Gentlemen of the Convention, have you made all the changes 
you desire ? 

Several Delegates — " New York! " "New York! " 

Mr. McClure, of Pennsylvania — At an early period, when the name of Penn- 
sylvania was called, she cast her votes for Colfax and Wade. At a subsequent period 
we changed it so as to make it unanimous — our fifty-two votes are cast for Schuyler 
Colfax. I didn't know whether you had heard it corrected or not. On behalf of 
Pennsylvania, I beg leave to say that it will uphold any Republican ticket that may 
be presented this fall, notwithstanding you have omitted to give us our first choice 
— Governor Curtin. [Great applause.] 

A Delegate from Nevada — Mr. President — 

The President — If there be no more changes to make on this vote, the Secretary 
will give the summary as soon as possible. 

The Delegate from Nevada — Mr. President, I wish to announce that Nevada has 
changed her vote. [Applause.] 

Mr. Logan, of Illinois — I desire that Illinois may be called. Illinois gives 
thirty-two votes for Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana. [Applause.] 

[Calls for " New York !" etc., and "music !"] 



Republican Ponvention. 



131 



The following is the final vote, after changes 



FINAL BALLOT. 



STATES. 


o "S 
• 'oil 

O <x> 

p 


d 



CO 




ci 
O 


Alabama 


18 

10 

10 

6 

12 

2 

6 

2 

6 

18 

2 

32 

26 

16 

6 

22 

14 

14 

14 

24 

16 

8 

14 

22 

2 

6 

6 

10 

14 

66 

18 

42 

6 

52 

8 

12 

20 

12 

10 

20 

10 

16 

650 


1 


15 




10 


California 






10 


Colorado . 






6 


Connecticut 






1? 


Dakota 






9, 




6 


District of Columbia 






2 


Florida 


6 


Georgia 






18 


Idaho .'. 


2 






Illinois 




3^, 








<>6 


Iowa 






16 








6 








99 


Louisiana 






14 


Maine 


14 


Maryland 


14 


Massachusetts 






9A 








16 


Minnesota 






8 


Mississippi 






14 


Missouri 


99, 


Montana 




2 




Nebraska 


6 








6 


New Hampshire 


"ee" 




10 


New Jersey 


14 


New Y ork 








18 


Ohio 




36 


6 




6 








59 




8 


South Carolina 






13 








?0 








12 








10 




?0 








10 


Wisconsin 


16 






Total 


69 


38 


541 







132 f: 



ROCEEDINGS OF THE 



COLFAX DECLARED NOMINATED. 



The President — I will read the statement of the vote : 

The whole number of votes cast .048 

Necessary to a choice 325 

Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana, has 541 

R. E. Fenton, of New York, has 69 

B. F. Wade, of Ohio, has 38 

You have made the choice of the Hon. Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana. [Tremendous 
and prolonged applause. [Cries, " New York! New York."] 



THE NOMINATION MADE UNANIMOUS. 



Mr. Sickles, of New York — Mr. President, I need not say, and no one will need to 
be assured, that New York stands true to her colors. We have clung to our 
candidate, Gov. Fenton, with the same tenacity with which our constituents have 
always adhered to the Republican cause. [Cheers.] The time has come, however, 
when we have to prove that we are not less mindful than our sister States, Qf what 
we owe to the harmony of the action of the Convention. [Prolonged applause.] 
Ardently as we desired, and confidently as we anticipated, the nomination of our 
favorite candidate, we bow to the wisdom of the Convention, and accept the choice 
which is made. In obedience to the instructions of the New York delegation, and 
in accordance with my own sentiments, I now move that the nomination of Schuyler 
Colfax, as our candidate for the Vice Presidency, be made unanimous. [Great 
applause.] 

Mr. , of Indiana — I call for three cheers for the " one-legged General." 

The cheers were given. 

Three cheers were then called for Governor Fen ton, and three 
cheers for Senator "Wilson, which were also given. 

Mr. Jones, of Ohio— Was there ever such a race as this, in which Ohio had the 
leading nag in the race, and nearly had the leading horse on the home stretch, and 
yet is denied the poor privilege of congratulating the winner? I hope the Conven- 
tion will allow the Empire State of the West to have the poor privilege of joining 
the Empire State of the East in seconding the nomination. [Cheers.] 

A delegate called for three cheers for Ohio, and another called for 
three cheers for Ben. Wade, which were given. 



Republican Ponyention 133 

Mr. , of Louisiana — I am instructed to propose three cheers for the 

Ticket. 

The cheers were given. 

The President — You have heard the motion of the gentleman from New York, 
seconded by the gentleman from Ohio, that the nomination of Schuyler Colfax for 
Vice President of the United States be made unanimous. Those who are in favor 
of the motion, say " aye." 

The motion prevailed unanimously. 

The President— There is nobody left. [Laughter.] U'e need not call for the 
noes, Schuyler Colfax is the nominee of the Convention! [Applause.] 



DESPATCH FROM ME. COLFAX. 

The President — I have an important despatch to read, it is one in which you 
will doubtless be much interested. It is addressed by the Hon. Schuyler Colfax, to 
the Hon. J. B. Defrees, of Indiana, and he says: 

"I read this morning to General Grant, the midnight despatch, giving an abstract 
of the platform, and General Grant heartily approves its tone." [Great applause.] 

Gentlemen, it will be necessary to call the roll of States, for the purpose of 
ascertaining who have been selected as members of the National Committee. 



COMMITTEE TO WATT OX THE CAXDIDATES. 

Mr. Sickles, of New York — Mr. President, before the roll is called for that 
purpose, I desire to submit a motion. I move that the officers of this Convention 
constitute a Committee, to communicate to our candidates for President and Vice 
President their nomination by this Convention. 

Mr. Cochrane, of New York — Mr. President, I second the motion. 

Mr. , of 1 understand, Mr. President, it to be the rule, that a 

Committee nominated by the delegates from each State, is selected for that duty. 
[Cries of "No!" etc.] 

The President— The officers are chosen from each State, a Secretary and Vice 
President, from each State, and the States are thus represented. 

The motion prevailed. 

Mr. Sickles— I wish it to be understood, as a part of my motion, that they 
communicate the Platform and Proceedings of this Convention, also. 

The President — The Convention has so understood it. 

Mr. , of South Carolina— I move you a vote of thanks to the officers of 

the Convention, for the manner in which they have presided over this business. 

Mr. Van Zandt, of Rhode Island — The roll should be called first. 



134 ^Proceedings of the 

NATIONAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. 

The Secretary then called the States, and the following was an- 
nounced as the National Executive Committee : 

Alabama — Jas. P. Stowe. 
Arkansas — B. F. Rice. 
California — Geo. C. Gorham. 
Colorado — Daniel Witter. 
Connecticut — H. H. Starkweather. 
Dakota — Newton Edmunds. 
Delaware — Edward G. Bradford. 
District of Columbia — S. E. Bowen. 
Florida — S. B. Conover. 
Georgia — J. H. Caldwell. 
Idaho — John C. Henly. 
Illinois — J. Russel Jones. 
Indiana — Cyrus M. Allen. 
Iowa— Josiah Tracy. 
Kansas — John A. Martin. 
Kentucky — Allen A. Burton. 
Louisiana — M. H. Soutkworth. 
Maine — Lewis Barker. 
Maryland — Charles C. Fulton. 
^- Massachusetts — William Claflin. 
Michigan — Marsh Giddings. 
Minnesota — John T. Averill. 
Mississippi — A. C. Fisk. 
Missouri — Benj. F. Loan. 
Montana — Lester S. Wilson. 
Nebraska — E. B. Taylor. 
Nevada — Charles E. DeLong. 
New Hampshire — Wm. E. Chandler. 
New Jersey — J. Gobsill. 
New York — Horace Greeley. 
.North Carolina — William Sloane. 
Ohio— B. R. Cowen. 
Oregon— H. W. Corbett. 
Pennsylvania — Wm. H. Kemble. 
Rhode Island — Lyman B. Frieze. 
South Carolina — James H. Jenks. 
Tennessee — Wm. B. Stokes. 
Texas — A. J. Hamilton. 
Vermont— T. W. Park. 
Virginia — Franklin Stearns. 
West Virginia — Samuel D. Karns. 
Wisconsin — David Atwood. 



-Republican Pgnyention, 135 



MEETING OF THE COMMITTEE. 



The President — Gentlemen of the Convention : I am requested to announce that 
the National Committee will meet at the Tremont House to-night, at 8£ o'clock, to 
organize. 



VOTE OF THANKS. 



The Chairman of the Nevada Delegation — Mr. President I move you that the 
thanks of this Convention be returned to the officers thereof. 

The motion was unanimously adopted. 

Mr. Cochrane, of New York — Mr. President, I move you, sir, that the thanks 
of this Convention, for the ability, labor and courtesy of the Committee of Arrange- 
ments, be bestowed upon the Committee by the Convention. 

The motion prevailed unanimously. 

Mr. Cochrane, of New York — It is understood, sir, I suppose, that the proceed- 
ings of the Convention, as furnished by the Official Reporters of this Convention, 
will be duly signed by the officers of the Convention and published ; if not, I make 
a motion to that effect. 

The President — The proceedings will be so published. 

A Delegate — I move that the thanks of this Convention be tendered to the 
former National Executive Committee. 



The motion prevailed. 



ADJOURNMENT. 



Mr. Cochrane, of New York — If there be no further business, I move the 
Convention do now adjourn sine die. 

A Voice — " Not sine die." 

Mr. Cochrane, of New York — I suggest that it be at the call of the National 
Executive Committee, Mr. President. 

The motion prevailed, 

And the Convention stood adjourned subject to the call of the 
National Executive Committee. > 



136 PROCEEDINGS ETC. 



CALL FOR GOVERNOR HAWLEY. 

A delegate called for three cheers for the President of the 
Convention, Governor Hawley, which were given. 

Loud cries were then made # for General Hawley, who stepped 
forward and responded, as follows : 

Gentlemen : Perhaps it is thrown away to say to you that it must be an impos- 
sibility for any person to speak now, after the labors of the day, and, I think, quite 
as nearly impossible, for any person to listen. I thank you for the compliment of 
the call. I shall save all my strength of body and mind for the campaign, for from 
now until the day of election I shall either write editorials or take the stump, and, 
hence, I am satisfied you will excuse me. [Prolonged applause.] 



ATIONAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE, 186; 



Alabama — James P. Stowe, Montgomery. *" 

Arkansas — B. F. Rice, Little Rock. S 

California — George G. Gorkam, San Francisco/ 

Colorado — Daniel Witter, Denver. 

Connecticut — H. H. Starkweather, Norwich. 

Dakota — Newton Edmunds, Yankton. 

Delaware — Edward C. Bradford. 

District of Columbia — Sayles E. Bowen, Washington. 

Florida — S. B. Conover, Lake City. 

Georgia — John H. Caldwell, Lagrange/ 

Idaho — J. C. Henly.^ 

Illinois — J. Russell Jones,-Chicago. 

Indiana — Cyrus M. Allen, Vincennes. 

Iowa — Josiah Tracy, Burlington. 

Kansas — John A. Martin, Atchison. 

Kentucky — Allen A. Burton, Lancaster.'' 

Louisiana — M. H. Southworth, New Orleans. ' 

Maine — Louis Barker, Stetson S 

Maryland — Chas. C. Fulton, Baltimore/ 

Massachusetts — Wm. Clafliu, Boston./ 

Michigan — Marsh Giddings, Kalamazoo/' 

Minnesota— J. T. Averill, St. Paul/ 

Mississippi — A. C. Fisk, Yicksburg. ■ 

Missouri — Benj. F. Loan, St. Joseph/ 

Montana — Lester S. Wilson, Bozeman City.' 

Nebraska — E. B. Taylor, Omaha. 

Nevada — Chas. E. De Long, Virginia City/ 

New Hampshire — Wm. E. Chandler, Yv'ashington, D. C. 

New Jersey — James Gobsill, Jersey City. 

New York — Horace Greeley, New York City. 

North Carolina — W. Sloane. y 

Ohio— B. R, Cowen, Bellaire. ' 

Oregon— H. W. Corbett, Washington, D. C. J 

Pennsylvania — Yv r . H. Kemble, Philadelphia./ 

Rhode Island — Lyman B. Frieze, Providence./ 

South Carolina — James H. Jenks, Charleston. S 

Tenessee — W. B. Stokes, Liberty. 

Texas — A. J. Hamilton./ 

Vermont — T. W. Park, Bennington.' 

Virginia — Franklin Stearns. ^ 

West Virginia — Samuel D. Karns, Parkersburg. 

Wisconsin — David Atwood, Aladison. 

18 



ORGANIZATION 



NATIONAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. 



At a meeting of the National Executive Committee, an organization 
was effected, as follows : 

HON. WM. CLAFLIN, Chairman. 
HON. WM. E. CHANDLEE, Secretary. 



CENTRAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. 

{Headquarters at New York City.) 

WM. CLAFLIN, Chairman. 
HORACE GREELEY, T. W. PARK, MARSH GLDDINGS, 

WM. H. KEMBLE, R. R. COWEN, H. H. STARKWEATHER, 



EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE FOR THE WEST. 

{Headquarters at Chicago.) 
J. RUSSELL JONES, CYRUS M. ALLEN, E. B. TAYLOR. 



EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE FOR THE SOUTH. 

{Headquarters at Atlanta, Georgia.) 
M. H. SOUTHWORTH, B. F. RICE, JOHN H. CALDWELL. 



EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE FOR THE PACIFIC COAST. 

{Headquarters at San Francisco.) 
GEO. C. GORHAM, CHAS. E. DeLONG. 



LETTER OF ACCEPTANCE. 



FROM U. S. GRANT. 

"To General John R. Hawley, 

••President National Union Republican Convention: 

•' In formally accepting the nomination of the National Union Republican Con- 
vention of the 21st of May instant, it seems proper that some statement of views 
beyond the mere acceptance of the nomination should be expressed. The proceed- 
ings of the Convention were marked with wisdom, moderation and patriotism, and 
I believe express the feelings of the great mass of those who sustained the country 
through its recent trials. 

" I endorse the resolutions. If elected to the office of President of the "United 
States it will be my endeavor to administer all the laws in good faith, with economy, 
and with the view of giving peace, quiet and protection everywhere. 

" In times like the present it is impossible, or at least eminently improper, to 
lay down a policy to be adhered to, right or wrong, through an administration of 
four years. New political issues, not foreseen, are constantly arising ; the views of 
the public on old ones are constantly changing, and a purely administrative officer 
should always be left free to execute the will of the people. I always have respected 
that will, and always shall. 

"Peace and universal prosperity — its sequence, — with economy of administra- 
tion, will lighten the burden of taxation, while it constantly reduces the national 
debt. Let us have peace. 

"With great respect, your obedient servant, 

"U. S. GRANT. 
"Washington, May 29, 1868." 



LETTER OF ACCEPTANCE. 



FROM SCHUYLER COLFAX. 

"Washington, D. C, May 30, 1850. 
"Hon. J. R, Hawliy, 

"President of the National Union Republican Convention: 

" Dear Sir : The platform adopted by the patriotic convention over which you 
presided, and the resolutions which so happily supplement it, so entirely agree with 
my views as to a just national policy, that my thanks are due to the delegates as 
much for this clear and auspicious declaration of principles, as for the nomination 
with which I have been honored, and which I gratefully accept. 

" When a great rebellion, which imperiled the national existence, was at last 
overthrown, the duty of all others, devolving upon those intrusted with the respon- 
sibilities of legislation, evidently was to require that the revolted States should be 
re-admitted to participation in the government against which they had erred only 
on such a basis as to increase and fortify, not to weaken or endanger, the strength 
and power of the nation. Certainly no one ought to have claimed that they should 
be re-admitted under such rule that their organization as States could ever again 
be used, as at the opening of the war, to defy the national authority or to destroy 
the national unity. This principle has been the pole star of those who have inflexi- 
bly insisted on the Congressional policy your Convention so cordially indorsed. 

"Baffled by Executive opposition and by persistent refusals to accept any plan 
of reconstruction proffered by Congress, justice and public safety at last combined 
to teach us that only by an enlargement of suffrage in those States could the desired 
end be attained, and that, it was even more safe to give the ballot to those who loved 
the Union than to those who had sought ineffectually to destroy it. The assured 
success of this legislation is being written on the adamant of history, and will be 
our triumphant vindication. More clearly, too, than ever before does the nation 
now recognize that the greatest glory of a Republic is, that it throws the shield of 
its protection over the humblest and weakest of its people, and vindicates the rights 
of the poor and the powerless as faithfully as those of the rich and the powerful. 

"I rejoice, too, in this connection, to find in your platform the frank and fear- 
less avowal that naturalized citizens must be protected abroad "at every hazard, 
as though they were native born." Our whole people are foreigners, or descend- 
ants of foreigners. Our fathers established by arms their right to be called a 



Letters of Acceptance. 145 

nation. It remains for us to establish the right to welcome to our shores all who 
are willing, by oaths of allegiance, to become American citizens. Perpetual allegi- 
ance, as claimed abroad, is only another name for perpetual bondage, and would 
make all slaves to the soil where first they saw the light. Our national cemeteries 
prove how faithfully these oaths of fidelity to their adopted land have been sealed 
in the life-blood of thousands upon thousands. Should we then be faithful to the 
dead, if we did not protect their living brethren in the full enjoyment of that 
nationality, for which, side by side with the native born, our soldiers of foreign 
birth laid down their lives ? 

"It was fitting, too, that the representatives of a party which 'had proved so 
true to national duty in time of war, should speak so clearly in time of peace for 
the maintenance untarnished of the national honor, national credit and good faith 
as regards its debt, the cost of our national existence. 

"I do not need to extend this reply by further comment on a platform which 
has elicited such hearty approval throughout the land. The debt of gratitude it 
acknowledges to the brave men who saved the Union from destruction, the frank 
approval of amnesty based on repentance and loyalty, the demand for the most 
thorough economy and honesty in the government, the sympathy of the party of 
liberty with all throughout the world who long for the liberty we here enjoy, and 
the recognition of the sublime principles of the Declaration of Independence, are 
worthy of the organization on whose banners they are to be written in the coming 
contest. Its past record cannot be blotted out or forgotten. If there had been no 
Republican party, slavery would to-day cast its baneful shadow over the Republic. 
If there had been no Republican party, a free press and free speech would be as 
unknown from the Potomac to the Rio Grande as ten years ago. If the Republican 
party could have been stricken from existence when the banner of rebellion was 
unfurled, and when the response of "no coercion" was heard at the North, we 
would have had no nation to-day. But for the Republican party daring to risk the 
odium of tax and draft laws our flag could not have been kept flying in the field 
until the long-hoped-for victory came. Without a Republican party the Civil Rights 
bill — the guaranty of equality under the law to the humble and the defenceless, as 
well as to the strong — would not be to-day upon our national statute book. 

"With such inspiration from the past, and following the example of the founders 
of the Republic, who called the victorious General of the Revolution to preside over 
the land his triumphs had saved from its enemies, I cannot doubt that our labors 
will be crowned with success. And it will be a success that will bring restored 
hope, confidence, prosperity and progress, South as well as North, West as well as 
East, and, above all, the blessings, under Providence, of national Concord and 

Peace. 

"Very truly yours, 

"SCHUYLER COLFAX.' ; 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 

021 051 356 5